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ON THIS SECTION:
1- What is Peace Journalism?
2- Peace Journalism for Journalists
3- Principles and Guidelines for TMS Writers
4- Remarks
(1) WHAT IS PEACE JOURNALISM?
By Jake Lynch
Peace journalism is when editors and reporters make choices – about
what to report, and how to report it – that create opportunities for
society at large to consider and to value non-violent responses to
conflict.
If readers and audiences are furnished with such opportunities, but
still decide they prefer war to peace, there is nothing more journalism
can do about it, while remaining journalism. On the other hand, there
is no matching commitment to ensuring a fair hearing for violent
responses, if only because they seldom struggle for a place on the news
agenda.
How come? To report is to choose. ‘We just report the facts’,
journalists say, but ‘the facts’ is a category of practically infinite
size. Even in these days of media profusion, that category has to be
shrunk to fit into the news. The journalist is a ‘gatekeeper’, allowing
some aspects of reality through, to emerge, blinking, into the public
eye; and keeping the rest in the dark.
Neither is this a random process. The bits left out are always, or
usually, the same bits, or the same sorts of bits. News generally
prefers official sources to anyone from the ‘grassroots’; event to
process; and a two-sided battle for supremacy as the basic conflict
model.
These preferences, or biases, hardened into industry conventions as
journalism began to be sold as a mass-produced commodity in consumer
societies, and faced pressure to present itself as
all-things-to-all-people, capable of being marketed to potential
readers, listeners and viewers of all political views and none.
Quoting officials – a category topped by the political leader of one’s
own country – is a choice and a preference, but one with a built-in
alibi. It was not our ‘fault’ that this person became head of
government: s/he just ‘is’. ‘Indexing’, or the familiar journalistic
habit of restricting the extent of debate to differences between
government and official opposition – ‘elite discord’ – has the same
effect, of camouflaging choices as facts.
What about event and process? News that dwells on, say, the details of
death and destruction wrought by a bomb, avoids controversy. The device
has, indisputably, gone off. There are well-attested casualty figures,
from trustworthy sources such as hospitals and the police. What is
automatically more controversial is to probe why the bombers did it,
what was the process leading up to it, what were their grievances and
motivations.
As to dualism, well, when I was a reporter at the BBC, we all realised
that a successful career could be based on the following formula: ‘on
the one hand… on the other hand… in the end, only time will tell’. To
have ‘balance’, to ‘hear both sides’, is a reliable way to insulate
oneself against complaints of one-sidedness, or bias.
War Journalism and Its Antidote
There are deep-seated reasons, then, why these are the dominant
conventions in journalism, but, taken together, they mean that its
framing of public debates over conflict issues is generally on the side
of violent responses. It merits the description, ‘war journalism’.
How come? Take the dualism first. If you start to think about a
conflict as a tug-of-war between two great adversaries, then any change
in their relationship – any movement – can only take place along a
single axis. Just as, in tug-of-war, one side gaining a metre means the
other side losing a metre, so any new development, in a conflict thus
conceived, immediately begs to be assessed in a zero-sum game. Anything
that is not, unequivocally, winning, risks being reported as losing. It
brings a readymade incentive to step up efforts for victory, or
escalate. People involved in conflict ‘talk tough’ – and often ‘act
tough’ – as they play to a gallery the media have created.
Remove acts of political violence from context and you leave only
further violence as a possible response. This is why there is so little
news about peace initiatives – if no underlying causes are visible,
there is nothing to ‘fix’. Only in this form of reporting does it make
any sense to view ‘terrorism’, for example, as something on which it is
possible or sensible to wage ‘war’.
And if you wait, to report on either underlying causes or peace
initiatives, until it suits political leaders to discuss or engage with
them, you might wait a long time. Stirrings of peace almost invariably
begin at lower levels. There is, furthermore, a lever in the hands of
governments that no one else has – the ‘legitimate’ use of military
force. For all these reasons, the primacy of official sources, coupled
with the enduring national orientation of most media, is bound to skew
the representation of conflicts in favour of a pronounced receptiveness
to the advocacy of violence.
Hence, peace journalism, as a remedial strategy and an attempt to
supplement the news conventions to give peace a chance.
Peace
journalism:
· Explores the backgrounds and contexts of conflict formation,
presenting causes and options on every side (not just ‘both sides’);
· Gives voice to the views of all rival parties, from all levels;
· Offers creative ideas for conflict resolution, development, peacemaking and peacekeeping;
· Exposes lies, cover-up attempts and culprits on all sides, and
reveals excesses committed by, and suffering inflicted on, peoples of
all parties;
· Pays attention to peace stories and post-war developments.
Reality and Representation
Peace journalism is more realistic, in the sense of fidelity to a
reality that already exists, independently of our knowledge or
representation of it. To report violence without background or context
is to misrepresent it, since any conflict is, at root, a relationship,
of parties setting and pursuing incompatible goals. To omit any
discussion of them is a distortion.
At the same time, it acknowledges that there is no one correct version
of this reality that everyone will agree upon. We understand the world
around us by taking messages and images – including those served up by
the news – and slotting them into codes we develop through our lives
and carry in our heads. Meaning is not created solely at the point of
production, or encoding; no act of representation is complete until it
has been received, or decoded. Decoding is something we often do
automatically, since so much of what we read, hear and see is familiar.
This is what propaganda relies on – establish Saddam Hussein as a ‘bad
man’, or ‘weapons of mass destruction’ as a ‘threat’, and it forms a
prism, through which all the reality, both subsequent and previous,
tends to be viewed.
Journalism is often easy prey for such efforts because it does not
generally encourage us to reflect on the choices it is making, for
reasons discussed above. The famous US ‘anchor-man’, Walter Cronkite,
signed off CBS Evening News every night with the catchphrase, “that’s
the way it is”. How it came to be that way would be an interesting
conversation, but it is not one in which news is generally keen to
engage.
Communications students will recognise the last few paragraphs as a
potted version of reception theory. In writing this introduction, I’ve
resisted academic sources, because, yes folks, the clichés are true,
media scholars often do dress in black (which we won’t hold against
them) and chew polysyllables for breakfast (which we might). However
it’s worth quoting one famous aphorism coined by a clever and original
researcher, Gaye Tuchman: “the acceptance of representational
conventions as facticity makes reality vulnerable to manipulation”.
So peace journalism is in favour of truth, as any must be. Of course
reporters should report, as truthfully as they can, the facts they
encounter; only ask, as well, how they have come to meet these
particular facts, and how the facts have come to meet them. If it’s
always the same facts, or the same sorts of facts, adopt a policy of
seeking out important stories, and important bits of stories, which
would otherwise slip out of the news, and devise ways to put them back
in. And try to let the rest of us in on the process. Peace journalism
is that which abounds in cues and clues to prompt and equip us to
‘negotiate’ our own readings, to open up multiple meanings, to inspect
propaganda and other self-serving representations on the outside.
Can journalists actually do this, and do they? Latterly, researchers
have set out to gauge the amount of peace journalism that is going on.
There is probably no one piece of reporting that exhibits all five of
the characteristics listed above, whilst also avoiding demonizing
language, labeling and so forth. But distinctions do exist, and they
have been measured. Reporting in The Philippines, especially by the
country’s main newspaper, the Philippine Daily Inquirer, is interesting
in providing an effective counter to attempts by the country’s
government to import the ‘war on terrorism’ ideology and apply it to a
long-running insurgency. The paper I used to work for, the Independent
of London, does a lot of peace journalism.
Then of course there are proliferating independent media, now building,
through web-based platforms, on traditions long nurtured by alternative
newspapers and community radio stations. There is some peace
journalism, so there could be more.
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(2) PEACE JOURNALISM FOR JOURNALISTS
By Jake Lynch
Peace journalism has emerged, since the mid-1990s, as a new,
trans-disciplinary field, of interest to professional journalists, in
both developed and developing countries, and to civil society
activists, university researchers and others interested in the
conflict-media nexus. It offers both a set of practical plans and
options for editors and reporters, and a basis for developing
evaluative criteria for the critical analysis of war reporting – all
derived from, or at least attentive to, propositions about conflict,
violence and peace from Peace and Conflict Studies.
I have been at the forefront of this work since running a peace
journalism summer school at Taplow Court, an agreeable stately home in
the south of England which serves as the UK cultural centre of a
Japanese Buddhist group, the Soka Gakkai International. The principal
speaker was Johan Galtung, who coined the term, peace journalism; among
the invited guests, Nick Pollard, then my newly-appointed boss as Head
of News at British Sky Broadcasting.
Galtung listened to Pollard’s presentation with mounting impatience. At
the end, he said: “What you say is very interesting. But what is more
interesting, is what you do not say”. To home in on the unarticulated
subtext of a speaker’s remarks is a hallmark of Galtung’s Transcend
Method for conflict work.
He posits a dialogue with a “major person” from the government of a
country involved in a conflict, where “a high level of verbal
agreement”
emerges, both as to the causes of the difficulty and on what needs to
be done to improve the situation. “But there is no acceptability in the
sense of acting upon that consensus. There is unarticulated resistance”
(Galtung and Tschudi, 2001: 218).
The Taplow encounter could serve as a pattern for many an attempt to
bring journalism and Peace and Conflict Studies to bear upon one
another. The very concept of peace journalism effectively problematises
mainstream reporting as ‘war journalism’. For there to be any point in
calling for something new, there must be something intrinsically wrong
with what we have now. For many practitioners, this is unwelcome and,
indeed, counter-intuitive. It is commonly assumed, Jorg Becker tells
us, that communication is, in general, an agent of peace: better
jaw-jaw, as Churchill said, than war-war.
But that reckons without the structuration and instrumental logics of
mass media technologies, institutions, norms and practices. “The
representation of violence in the mass media is part of the universal
violence of the media themselves” (Becker, 1982: 227). Such
propositions draw resistance from many journalists because they feel at
odds with founding assumptions of their professional practice;
assumptions that retain their power precisely by remaining
unarticulated.
By causing them to be articulated, and simultaneously calling for
improvements that can be presented as feasible and reachable for
professional editors and reporters, peace journalism can emerge as a
rallying point for change. It does not always help to introduce it, at
the outset, by name.
So, for instance, our series of activities and publications for
professional journalists in London, which ran from 2001-2005, was
called, simply, Reporting the World, and took the form of a more
inclusive proposition: to join a critical discussion about the
reporting of particular conflicts, with input from those with visions
for peace, and some who are working on the ground to mitigate,
alleviate and transform the conflict in question (material stored at www.reportingtheworld.net).
The exercise led to some fruitful dialogues, and the publication of a
handbook, reporting and reflecting on the discussions and also called Reporting the World,
which codified the peace journalism model into the following set of
questions to ask of any piece of conflict reporting in UK media (with
obvious adjustments able to be made for media elsewhere):
* How is violence explained?
· How does the explanation arise from the way violence is reported?
· Does it offer a classic ‘blow-by-blow’ account?
· Or does it cover the workings of structural and cultural violence on the lives of people involved?
· Does it illuminate the intelligible, if dysfunctional processes which may be reproducing the violence?
· What are we led or left to infer about what should, or is likely to happen next?
* What is the shape of the conflict?
· Is the conflict framed as ‘tug-of-war’ – a zero-sum game of two parties contesting a single goal?
· Or as ‘cat’s-cradle’ – a pattern of many interdependent parties,
with needs and interests which may overlap, or create scope for
integrated solutions?
* Is there any news of any efforts or ideas to resolve the conflict?
· Is there anything in the report about peace plans, or any image of a solution?
· Must these aspects of a story wait until leaders cut a ‘deal’?
· Do the reports of any ‘deal’ equip us to assess whether it is likely to tackle the causes of violence?
· Do we see any news of anyone else working to resolve or transform the conflict?
* What is the role of Britain; ‘the West’; the ‘international community’ in this story?
· Are ‘our’ stated goals of intervention the same as our real goals?
Do we get any exploration of what the unstated goals might be?
· Is there anything about interventions already underway, albeit perhaps undeclared?
· Is there any examination of the influence of previous or prospective interventions on people’s behaviour?
· Does it equip us to assess whether more, or less, intervention
might represent a solution, or to discriminate between different kinds?
Experience of working with journalists from the majority world reminds
us that many there start out with a different view of their role and
responsibilities in reporting conflict; one that can make peace
journalism more accessible. One prominent reporter who took part in
peace journalism training in Indonesia, Maria Hartiningsih, from the
country’s biggest newspaper, Kompas, sounded a keynote:
“To report is to choose, and the journalist must take responsibility
for those choices … ‘Every journalist has the ideology in here [tapping
her chest], and me too’, she said. ‘My ideology is to contribute
something for peace, to contribute something for justice’” (in Lynch
and McGoldrick, 2001).
There is no possibility of agenda-free reporting, in other words. It’s
an insight inscribed in the notion, floated at UNESCO a generation ago,
of a world information and communication order, and the call for a new
one. This was articulated in a landmark report, Many Voices, One World, written up by the Irish academic, Sean MacBride. In it, he remarks:
“[For] many journalists, researchers and politicians, particularly in
the developing countries … emphasis should be on the need to place
events and issues in a broader context, thereby creating awareness and
interest… they believe that news and messages essentially can never be
neutral … in developing countries, the concept of news appears to need
expansion to take in not only events but entire ‘processes’” (page 157).
To intuit this point, as many educated professionals in the majority
world may do, from general experience, is to clear the way for a vote
in favour of peace as their agenda, if only it is possible to implement
it. To report process requires the exploration of backgrounds and
contexts, and it is only if they are included in the ‘frame’ for
apprehending events such as episodes of violence that space opens up to
discuss integrated solutions. Hence the first Reporting the World
questions: how is the violence explained and how does the explanation
arise from the way it is reported?
In other examples, the London-based think-tank, Conciliation Resources,
launched its own training program by carrying out an extensive
consultation, involving senior journalists from 11 countries in
sub-Saharan Africa, in 1999. The key finding:
“Whether employed by state-controlled broadcasting corporations or
editing weekly or daily newspapers surviving on street-corner sales,
most of the journalists involved said that they believe they have a
vital role to play in the prevention and resolution of conflict. For
many, the question was not whether they should be fulfilling that role,
but rather how they could do so”.
And a group of 23 Eritrean and Ethiopian journalists, convened under
the auspices of the Heinrich Boell Stiftung, drew up “commitments and
pledges” to – among other things – “practice investigative journalism
to identify the seeds of conflict” and “contribute to the management of
conflict by pointing out peaceful alternatives and by stressing that
force is never a solution”.
Whatever the form it takes, these experiences show it is possible to
say what peace journalism would entail, in a register that journalists
themselves can use and understand: and put into practice. All the
studies, applying these models to develop evaluative criteria for
content analysis of conflict reporting, show there is some peace
journalism. So there could be more.
References:
Becker, Jorg, 1982: ‘Communication and Peace: The Empirical and
Theoretical Relation between Two Categories in Social Sciences’, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 19, No. 3, pp. 227-240.
Galtung, Johan and Tschudi, Finn, 2001: ‘Crafting Peace: On the
Psychology of the TRANSCEND Approach’ in eds D. J. Christie, R. V.
Wagner and D. D. Winter D. D., Peace, Conflict, and Violence, Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, pp. 210-222.
Lynch, Jake and McGoldrick, Annabel, 2001: ‘Peace journalism in Poso’, Inside Indonesia No. 66.
MacBride, Sean, 1980: Many Voices, One World: Report of the International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems, Paris: UNESCO.
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Jake Lynch is Associate Professor and Director of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney. Before that, he spent nearly twenty years in journalism, including spells as a newsreader and presenter for BBC World television, a Political Correspondent for Sky News and the Sydney Correspondent for the Independent newspaper. He reported on conflicts in the Middle East, South East Asia and South East Europe, as well as countless political and diplomatic meetings and developments in the UK and Europe.
He is the co-author, with Annabel McGoldrick, of Peace Journalism (Hawthorn Press, 2005), and his new book, Debates in Peace Journalism, has just been published by Sydney University Press and TUP-TRANSCEND University Press.
He also co-authored with Johan Galtung and Annabel McGoldrick 'Reporting Conflict-An Introduction to Peace Journalism,' also in Spanish, 'Reporteando Conflictos-Una Introducción al Periodismo de Paz' (Ariete, TRANSCEND México, Respuestas para la Paz, 2006).
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(3) PRINCIPLES AND GUIDELINES FOR TMS WRITERS
By TMS Editor
In a nutshell, Prof. Johan Galtung defines Peace Journalism as follows:
Besides the usual questions, “How many were killed today?” and “Who is winning?” ask two additional ones: “What is this conflict about?” and “What are possible solutions?”
Contributions to the TMS website (whether Commentary or News) should adhere to five main principles, the ‘5 Cs’:
* Be Creative
* Be Constructive
* Be Compassionate
* Be Concrete
* Be Concise
-1 and 2: Creative and Constructive – Write a solution-oriented piece; focus on proposed solutions acceptable by all parties, not only on identifying problems or blaming those at fault. Peace Journalism is not merely investigative journalism, advocacy, activism or description of events/violence - neither is it biased. The TRANSCEND method has three steps:
1. Identify the goals of the various parties involved directly or indirectly in a conflict, and possible contradictions between them;
2. Distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate goals;
3. Find creative solutions to transcend the contradictions and fulfill all the legitimate goals.
Although a peace journalist/columnist/commentator is not a mediator, s/he should be aware and offer a context not offered by most of the corporate business media that produces mostly war journalism. The key aspect is 'not biased,' meaning, not aligned with any of the parties.
-3: Compassionate - Commentaries must be respectful of all cultures and belief systems and not hurt or offend any group; compassion for all groups involved in a conflict - at least for their suffering. There is freedom of speech, and also the right to dignity and respect. Offending someone’s cultural values or sacred beliefs is not covered by free speech. The Danish cartoons mocking Mohammed (and even more the Danish Prime Minister's refusal to engage in a dialogue with Muslims) hurt the feelings of over a billion people and sparked avoidable violence. We wish to contribute to healing, not to hatred, pain and suffering. Compassion and empathy are concepts too often drowned in professional cynicism
-4: Concrete – Writings should not consist only of generalities but be concrete, specific and detailed, without assuming that the reader is already familiar with the matter/theme. Always identify on the first reference of a name or place. To the famous Journalism-101 questions: WHAT? WHO? WHEN? HOW? WHERE? WHY? we add: WHAT CREATIVE SOLUTIONS EXIST? Language and its reflective use is a medium to foster ideas and creativity, adding what mainstream media most often lacks.
-5: Concise - An ideal article has up to 1,000 words or 10,000 characters, is written in easily readable English and presents new insights, even surprises, to keep the reader’s interest. It provides a lucid and credible description of facts/events, informs, explains, puts events/actions/reactions, and so forth, in context for outsiders (foreigners) and for those who need/want to know and form an educated opinion.
The good peace journalist/commentator/columnist enables the reader to think further through diverse perspectives, and to identify the causes and all the parties to a conflict – not merely the simplistic A is applying/receiving violence to/from B – “and that is awful!”
S/he is not a missionary in a political sense, meaning, not a campaigner for an institution, nor an initiative, nor an organization.
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4) REMARKS:
* The editor reserves the right to edit all writings for clarity, grammar and spelling, and publish at his/her own discretion, based on content relevance.
* Commentaries are uploaded every Monday; after one week they are transferred to Commentary Archives.
* These guidelines apply to all direct contributors to TMS. The editor will post articles published elsewhere which may not be fully within these parameters but neither in conflict with them.
Comments/suggestions are welcome through 'Contact us.'
Antonio C. S. Rosa – TMS Editor
Johan Galtung/Jake Lynch/Nadine Bilke – TMS Advisors
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