{"id":100942,"date":"2017-11-06T12:00:57","date_gmt":"2017-11-06T12:00:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=100942"},"modified":"2017-10-29T10:42:39","modified_gmt":"2017-10-29T10:42:39","slug":"its-not-just-niger-u-s-military-activity-is-a-recruiting-tool-for-terror-groups-across-west-africa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2017\/11\/its-not-just-niger-u-s-military-activity-is-a-recruiting-tool-for-terror-groups-across-west-africa\/","title":{"rendered":"It\u2019s Not Just Niger \u2014 U.S. Military Activity Is a \u201cRecruiting Tool\u201d for Terror Groups Across West Africa"},"content":{"rendered":"
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A U.S. Army Special Forces weapons sergeant speaks to a group of Nigerien soldiers during Exercise Flintlock 2017 in Diffa, Niger, on March 11, 2017. Photo: Spc. Zayid Ballesteros\/U.S. Africa Command<\/p><\/div>\n

26 Oct 2017 – <\/em>The mission never made the front page of the New York Times or the Washington Post. It wasn\u2019t covered on CNN or Fox News. Neither the White House chief of staff, the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, nor the president ever addressed it in a press briefing. But from mid-January to late March 2013, Green Berets from the 10th\u00a0Special Forces Group deployed to the impoverished West African nation of Niger. Working alongside local forces, they trained in desert mobility, the use of heavy weapons, and methods of deliberate attack.<\/p>\n

On May 15 of that year, another contingent of Special Forces soldiers arrived in Niger. For nearly two months, they also trained with local troops, focusing on similar combat skills with an emphasis on missions in remote areas.\u00a0From the beginning of August until mid-September, yet another group of Green Berets traveled to the hot, arid country for training, concentrating on desert operations, heavy weapons employment, intelligence analysis, and other martial matters, according to Pentagon documents obtained by The Intercept via the Freedom of Information Act.<\/p>\n

One constant of all of these counterterrorism missions, which were carried out by small teams of elite U.S. troops operating alongside Nigerien forces, was a concentration on reconnaissance. Until recently, such missions were conducted without notice or media scrutiny. Americans were involved<\/a> in firefights, but the operations were kept quiet. When special operators died<\/a> in Africa, it was due to an accident<\/a> or after a night of partying<\/a>. Americans were rarely<\/a> killed in combat.<\/p>\n

Four years later, on October 3, 12 Green Berets undertook a \u201creconnaissance mission\u201d alongside 30 Nigerien soldiers near the village of Tongo Tongo, about 85 kilometers north of the capital city of Niamey,\u00a0according<\/a>\u00a0to the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Joseph Dunford. (Some reports indicate it had\u00a0morphed<\/a>\u00a0into a \u201ckill-or-capture\u201d mission aimed at a high-value target with ties to both Al Qaeda and the Islamic State.)<\/p>\n

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Map: The Intercept<\/p><\/div>\n

The next day, as the joint force was moving south \u201cen route to their operating base, the patrol came under attack from approximately 50 enemy using small-arms fire, rocket-propelled grenades, and technical vehicles,\u201d\u00a0explained<\/a>\u00a0Dunford.\u00a0Four Green Berets were killed and two wounded in the ambush, which also claimed the lives of five Nigerien soldiers.<\/p>\n

In truth, U.S. forces are already deployed all across Africa by the thousands.\u00a0Around 6,000 troops are on the continent, conducting\u00a03,500<\/a>\u00a0exercises, programs, and engagements each year \u2013 almost 10 missions each day \u2014 from Cameroon to Somalia, Djibouti to Libya.\u00a0More than 800 of these forces, Pentagon spokesperson Maj. Audricia Harris told The Intercept, are deployed to Niger. This is up from approximately 100 troops\u00a0sent<\/a>\u00a0in 2013 to carry out drone reconnaissance missions, making the hardscrabble country, wedged between seven nations, including Mali, Libya, Nigeria, and Chad, the largest concentration of U.S. military forces in West Africa.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe rapid, largely unrecognized increase in U.S. troops in Niger is part of the large expansion of the U.S. military footprint in Africa,\u201d says William Hartung, director of the Arms and Security Project at the Center for International Policy. \u201cThis expansion is long overdue for congressional scrutiny and public discussion.\u201d U.S. efforts, primarily focused on training allies and proxies, are flawed, often ineffective, and can have destabilizing effects on countries that military operations are meant to strengthen, according to experts. Cast as benign training operations, they can lead to unforeseen consequences and dangerous blowback. \u201cWhile the Pentagon likes to downplay the military aspects of these missions, in a number of instances, they have involved acts of war that risk getting the U.S. involved in broader conflicts, even as they have had little impact on the spread of terrorism,\u201d Hartung notes.<\/p>\n

While 800-plus troops are in Niger today, many more soldiers rotated through\u00a0the country as U.S. forces have been, according to Dunford, carrying out intermittent missions for 20 years.<\/p>\n

In 2002, the<\/u> U.S. launched a counterterrorism program \u2014 known as the Pan Sahel Initiative, which later became the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership \u2014 to assist the militaries of Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger before expanding to include six additional nations nearby. Between 2009 and 2013 alone, the U.S.\u00a0allocated<\/a>\u00a0$288 million in TSCTP funding, according to a 2014 report by the Government Accountability Office. Niger netted more than $30 million.\u00a0Neighboring Mali held the top spot at $40.6 million.<\/p>\n

These programs saw U.S. troops\u00a0deployed<\/a>\u00a0again and again to carry out advisory and \u201ctrain and equip missions,\u201d as well as mentorship programs designed to increase local anti-terrorism capabilities, encourage local populations to cooperate with military forces, and build the military capacity of those soldiers to enable them to \u201cFind, Fix, and Finish\u201d militant groups, according to a 2014 State Department analysis of the TSCTP obtained by The Intercept,\u00a0via the FOIA.<\/p>\n

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A U.S. Army Special Forces weapons sergeant observes a Niger Army soldier during marksmanship training as part of Exercise Flintlock 2017 in Diffa, Niger, on Feb. 28, 2017. Photo: Sgt. 1st Class Christopher Klutts\/U.S. Africa Command<\/p><\/div>\n

By 2011, U.S. Africa Command\u2019s efforts in Niger and Mali\u00a0included<\/a>\u00a0a host of training programs, such as the employment of Civil-Military Support Elements, Joint Planning and Assistance Teams, and Senior Leader Engagements, as well as\u00a0Mobile Training Teams<\/a>\u00a0\u2013 a program in which U.S. troops provide instruction on using and maintaining weapons and other equipment.<\/p>\n

The United States also\u00a0employed<\/a>\u00a0a host of other episodic training programs, including the African Crisis Response Initiative, African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance, International Military Education\u00a0and Training, Counterterrorism Fellowship Program, Global Peace Operations Initiative, and Joint Combined Exchange Training<\/a>.\u00a0Most of the military instruction was carried out by Green Berets. In a Naval Postgraduate School thesis, Maj. Simon Powelson, who was\u00a0was\u00a0involved<\/a>\u00a0in 10th\u00a0Special Forces Group training operations,\u00a0wrote<\/a>,\u00a0\u201cThese efforts did not result in a measurable increase in the overall effectiveness of the Malian army (or of individual\u00a0units for that\u00a0matter). Training that was episodically provided rarely diffused or even took hold.\u201d<\/p>\n

Similar efforts were undertaken in Niger, where, since 2006, the Defense Department has provided approximately $165 million in counterterrorism equipment and training, the second-highest total in all of Africa, according to the Congressional Research Service.\u00a0But the results have been similar to those in Mali, says\u00a0Michael Shurkin<\/a>, a senior political scientist at the RAND Corporation, who has written extensively on\u00a0both<\/a> countries<\/a>. \u201cWhat U.S. troops were doing in Niger is pretty much what we\u2019ve been doing in the region since 2003,\u201d he said.\u00a0 \u201cEverything we\u2019ve been doing certainly hasn\u2019t amounted to much because everything has gotten worse. None of it is really effective.\u201d<\/p>\n

Rebecca Zimmerman, a national security and foreign policy researcher at the RAND Corporation, warns\u00a0of grave consequences when\u00a0poor, fragile states are inundated with counterterrorism training and equipment. Such efforts can, she says, create a culture of dependency, increase corruption, and create power imbalances between the armed forces and often weak civilian governments.\u00a0\u201cIn countries where there is inadequate civilian control of the military, this is a particular risk,\u201d she said.<\/p>\n

In fact, TSCTP member-state Chad saw attempted coups in 2006 and 2013; members of Mauritania\u2019s military overthrew the government in 2005 and again in 2008; a military junta\u00a0overthrew<\/a>\u00a0Niger\u2019s president in 2010; and a U.S.-trained military officer, Amadou Sanogo, toppled the democratically elected president of Mali in 2012. \u201cThe role of a U.S.-trained officer in overthrowing the government of Mali is yet another case of arms and training programs backfiring and creating a more chaotic environment in which terrorist organizations can grow,\u201d Hartung told The Intercept.<\/p>\n

Schooled<\/a>\u00a0in the U.S.\u00a0through a variety<\/a>\u00a0of military training initiatives, Sanogo and his clique were upset at his government\u2019s inadequate response to an insurgency in Mali\u2019s north. As the U.S.-backed war in Libya was helping to topple Moammar Gadhafi, nomadic Tuareg fighters in the Libyan dictator\u2019s service looted his regime\u2019s weapons caches, returned to their native Mali, and began to carve out a homeland.<\/p>\n

Soon, however, Islamist militants pushed out the Tuaregs, took over much of the north, instituted a harsh brand of Sharia law, and created a humanitarian crisis that displaced hundreds of thousands.\u00a0But Sanogo\u2019s junta proved no more militarily effective than the government he overthrew.\u00a0\u201cThe coup made everything a lot worse. The coup didn\u2019t yield a strongman.\u00a0The coup yielded nothing, just vacancy,\u201d said Shurkin.\u00a0In 2013, with Islamist militants besting Sanogo\u2019s military, a U.S.-backed<\/a> French and multinational regional force intervened<\/a> to prevent a takeover of the country.\u00a0Since then, Mali has been mired in an intractable insurgency and militant groups have thrived in the vacuum.<\/p>\n

In fact, the entire region, relatively free of transnational terror threats in 2001, is now beset by a host of militant groups. They include, according to the Defense Department\u2019s Africa Center for Strategic Studies, the local branch of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Al Mourabitoun, Ansar Dine, and the Macina Liberation Front, which now all operate under the mantle of Jama\u2019at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin, as well as Boko Haram, the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa, Ansaroul Islam, and the Islamic State in West Africa (or Wil?yat Gharb Ifr?q?yyah).\u00a0And it was reportedly members of a newer group operating out of Mali\u2019s restive regions, the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, that crossed the border into Niger and carried out the attack that killed the four Green Berets.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhile the roots of terrorism are complex,\u201d observed Hartung, \u201cit is fair to say that the larger U.S. military presence has, at a minimum, served as a recruiting tool for the growing number of terrorist groups operating in West Africa.\u201d<\/p>\n

With the French military trapped in what appears to be an interminable counterinsurgency campaign in Mali, the U.S. has increasingly stepped up its presence in neighboring Niger, even in the wake<\/a> of the recent ambush.\u00a0\u201cU.S. troops continue carrying out a variety of operations in Niger, including continued advise and assist missions,\u201d says Defense Department spokesperson Lt. Col. Michelle Baldanza.<\/p>\n

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Airmen from the 724th Expeditionary Air Base Squadron and soldiers from the 411th Military Police Company, 89th MP Brigade, 1st Platoon, tear up wooden pallets as they move to a new location, Sept. 11, 2017, at Air Base 201 in Agadez, Niger. Photo: Staff Sgt. Joshua R. M. Dewberry\/435th Air Expeditionary Wing<\/p><\/div>\n

For its part,<\/u> AFRICOM says its forces are \u201csupporting the U.S. Embassy\u201d in the country\u2019s capital, Niamey.\u00a0Troops are also stationed at Base Aerienne 201 (Airbase 201), outside the city of Agadez, a transit hub at the edge of the Sahara in Central Niger, \u201csupporting ISR,\u201d or intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance operations, according to Baldanza. AFRICOM calls Base Aerienne 201 \u201ca temporary, expeditionary contingency support location<\/a>,\u201d but The Intercept previously\u00a0revealed<\/a>\u00a0it is, in fact, a $100 million drone base in the making.<\/p>\n

According to declassified secret documents from 2015, obtained via the Freedom of Information Act, Niger was the \u201conly country in NW [northwest] Africa willing to allow basing of MQ-9s,\u201d the larger, potentially more lethal cousins of the Predator drone. The documents went on to note that Niger\u2019s president \u201cexpressed willingness to support armed RPAs,\u201d or remotely piloted aircraft, the military euphemism for drones. New reports indicate the United States is now pressing<\/a> Niger to allow the deployment of such drones in order to carry out lethal strikes there.<\/p>\n

\u201cRPA presence in NW Africa<\/a>\u00a0supports operations against seven [Department of State]-designated foreign terrorist organizations. Moving operations to Agadez aligns persistent ISR to current and emerging threats over Niger and Chad \u2026 and extends range to cover Libya and Nigeria,\u201d say the 2015 files, which also call Agadez the \u201ctop MILCON<\/a>\u00a0[military construction] project for USAFRICOM.\u201d That construction continues to this day.<\/p>\n

The Pentagon refused to comment on the size of troop levels at Niger\u2019s bases, citing security concerns.\u00a0Some indication can, however, be gleaned from an Air Force contract\u00a0awarded\u00a0last month for 80 Quonset hut-shaped prefab tent structures at Air Base 201 \u2014 the type of structures long\u00a0ubiquitous\u00a0at bases in Iraq and Afghanistan, providing about 800 separate rooms.<\/p>\n

AFRICOM cryptically adds that U.S. personnel are also \u201cstationed in the country for other temporary duties and operations.\u201d Recent\u00a0contracting documents\u00a0from the Defense Logistics Agency reference a Joint Special Operations Air Component and\u00a0indicate\u00a0ongoing needs for diesel and jet fuel at Niger\u2019s Base A\u00e9rienne 101, a longtime U.S. drone outpost, attached to Diori Hamani International Airport in the country\u2019s capital, Niamey; it is used for regional ISR missions.\u00a0The U.S. is also considering beefing up Air Base 101 by adding defensive fighting positions \u2014 towers to provide blast and ballistic protection with gun ports that allow troops to return fire \u2014\u00a0according\u00a0to Air Force contracting documents issued this past summer.<\/p>\n

Contracting documents also\u00a0indicate\u00a0future requirements for fuel at a number of other Nigerien locales, including Tahoua and Ouallam, as well as the need for 4,400 gallons per month of gasoline, 1,100 gallons per month of diesel fuel, and 6,000 gallons of aviation turbine fuel every 90 days to be delivered to a \u201cmilitary installation\u201d in Dirkou. A DLA\u00a0document\u00a0from this summer also shows potential interest in deliveries of unleaded gasoline and diesel fuel to the village of Tillia.<\/p>\n

The expansion and hardening of facilities at Agadez and Niamey, and the contracts indicating a need for fuel at other remote locations, suggests an expanding presence in Niger. So, too, do\u00a0comments<\/a>\u00a0reportedly made by U.S. Secretary of Defense James Mattis\u00a0to two senior members of the Senate Armed Services Committee last week. \u201cYou\u2019re going to see more actions in Africa, not less,\u201d\u00a0said<\/a>\u00a0Sen. Lindsey Graham after his briefing from Mattis. \u201cYou\u2019re going to see more aggression by the United States toward our enemies, not less.\u201d<\/p>\n

Shurkin finds Graham\u2019s statements troublesome. \u201cWhen I hear Lindsey Graham I get very worried because he\u2019s a hawk, Shurkin said. \u201cHis answer always is more.\u00a0I\u2019m worried because I think that means dialing up everything that we\u2019ve been doing. More money, more troops, more training programs, more Green Berets, more helicopter support, a bigger footprint.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cSimply throwing more money at the existing programs and doing what we\u2019ve been doing \u2014 but just simply more of it \u2014 strikes me as a really bad idea,\u201d Shurkin added. \u201cAt the very least, we\u2019re going to waste a lot of money.\u00a0And we can definitely make things worse.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Related: <\/em><\/p>\n