{"id":109465,"date":"2018-04-23T12:00:37","date_gmt":"2018-04-23T11:00:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=109465"},"modified":"2018-04-19T12:55:38","modified_gmt":"2018-04-19T11:55:38","slug":"they-eat-money-how-mandelas-political-heirs-grow-rich-off-corruption","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2018\/04\/they-eat-money-how-mandelas-political-heirs-grow-rich-off-corruption\/","title":{"rendered":"\u2018They Eat Money\u2019: How Mandela\u2019s Political Heirs Grow Rich Off Corruption"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

16 Apr 2018 – <\/em>With loudspeakers blaring, city officials drove across the black township\u2019s dirt roads in a pickup truck, summoning residents to the town hall. The main guest was a local figure who had soared up the ranks of the governing African National Congress and come back with an enticing offer.<\/p>\n

Over the next few hours, the visiting political boss, Mosebenzi Joseph Zwane, sold them on his latest deal: a government-backed dairy farm that they, as landless black farmers, would control. They would get an ownership stake in the business, just by signing up. They would go to India for training, all expenses paid. To hear him tell it, the dairy would bring jobs to the impoverished, help build a clinic and fix the roads.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe said he wanted to change our lives,\u201d said Ephraim Dhlamini, who, despite suspicions that the offer was too good to be true, signed up to become a \u201cbeneficiary\u201d of the project. \u201cThis thing is coming from the government, free of charge. You can\u2019t say you don\u2019t like this thing. You must take it.\u201d<\/p>\n

But, sure enough, his instincts were right.<\/p>\n

The dairy farm turned out to be a classic South African fraud, prosecutors say: Millions of dollars from state coffers, meant to uplift the poor, vanished in a web of bank accounts controlled by politically connected companies and individuals.<\/p>\n

The money from an array of state contracts like this one helped pay for a lavish wedding that a top executive at KPMG, the international accounting firm, described as \u201can event of the millennium,\u201d according to leaked emails. And Mr. Zwane, continuing his meteoric rise, soon leaped to the national stage to become South Africa\u2019s minister of mineral resources.<\/p>\n

Almost nothing trickled down to the township or the scores of would-be beneficiaries after that first meeting in 2012. The only local residents to get a free trip to India were members of a church choir headed by Mr. Zwane.<\/p>\n

In the generation since apartheid ended in 1994, tens of billions of dollars in public funds \u2014 intended to develop the economy and improve the lives of black South Africans \u2014 have been siphoned off by leaders of the A.N.C., the very organization that had promised them a new, equal and just nation.<\/p>\n

Corruption has enriched A.N.C. leaders and their business allies \u2014 black and white South Africans, as well as foreigners. But the supposed beneficiaries of many government projects, in whose names the money was spent, have been left with little but seething anger and deepening disillusionment with the state of post-apartheid South Africa.<\/p>\n

While poverty has declined since the end of apartheid, inequality has risen in a society that was already one of the world\u2019s most unequal, according to a recent report<\/a> by the World Bank and the South African government.<\/p>\n

South Africa has a large, advanced economy, an aggressively free press and a wealth of independent organizations and scholars who keep a close watch on government malfeasance. But even with its vibrant democracy, in which the details of corruption schemes are routinely aired and condemned by the news media and opposition politicians, graft has engulfed the country.<\/p>\n

The nation was governed for nine years by the scandal-plagued P<\/a>resident<\/a> Jacob Zuma<\/a>, whose close ties with the Gupta family \u2014 three Indian brothers at the helm of a sprawling business empire built on government contracts, including the dairy farm \u2014 outraged voters. Their cozy relationship contributed to the A.N.C.\u2019s recent electoral losses<\/a> and helped lead to Mr. Zuma\u2019s ouster two months ago<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Promising a \u201cnew dawn<\/a>,\u201d Mr. Zuma\u2019s replacement, Cyril Ramaphosa<\/a>, has said that he would make fighting corruption a priority as the nation\u2019s new president. But he is also a veteran A.N.C. insider, and the early signs have not been encouraging.<\/p>\n

Having become party leader by a razor-thin margin, Mr. Ramaphosa has tried to keep together a fractured A.N.C. by moving cautiously. He formed his first cabinet<\/a> by appointing some well-respected officials, but also included allies \u2014 his own and Mr. Zuma\u2019s \u2014 who have been accused of corruption by the Public Protector\u2019s office and good governance groups.<\/p>\n

Beyond that, politicians who long oversaw provinces rife with public corruption, including the one where the dairy farm is, now sit at the top of the A.N.C.\u2019s hierarchy.<\/p>\n

National prosecutors, often criticized for being servile to the sitting president, say they are trying to recover more than $4 billion lost to corruption related to the Gupta family\u2019s undue influence on Mr. Zuma\u2019s administration.<\/p>\n

And that is just a small measure of the corruption that has whittled away at virtually every institution in the country, including schools, public housing, the police, the power utility, South African Airways and state enterprises overseeing everything from rail service to the defense industry.<\/p>\n

Almost no one comes out of this looking good.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

A statue of Nelson Mandela in Pretoria. While Mr. Mandela is still revered in the West, his legacy is regarded more harshly in South Africa, especially by young blacks. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times<\/p><\/div>\n

At just under $21 million, the money lost in the Vrede dairy farm may seem small. But it is a big test of whether South Africa\u2019s new government has the power and the will to confront public corruption at its source.<\/p>\n

The police have apprehended some low- and midlevel officials involved in the dairy farm, the first arrests related to a high-profile case of public corruption during the Zuma presidency. But notably, they have yet to pursue any A.N.C. officials. Mr. Zwane has not faced any charges. What\u2019s more, the provincial premier who approved the project, Ace Magashule, was recently elected secretary general of the A.N.C., elevating him to the top ranks of the party\u2019s leadership.<\/p>\n

The endless scandals have also raised serious questions about the complicity of major Western companies, with multiple investigations scrutinizing the role they may have played in enabling corruption and weakening the country\u2019s institutions.<\/p>\n

South African regulators have urged the police to begin a criminal inquiry into McKinsey, the American consulting giant, over its relationship with a Gupta-linked company in a contract involving a state-owned utility. A South African court has frozen the $83 million McKinsey was paid for the contract, and the firm says it will return the fee.<\/p>\n

Regulators say they have also pressed the police to investigate KPMG, the Big Four auditing firm based in the Netherlands, for its work for the national revenue service in 2015. KPMG has acknowledged that elements of the work \u201cshould no longer be relied upon\u201d and offered to pay back its consulting fees.<\/p>\n

SAP, the German software behemoth, is being investigated by the United States Department of Justice and the Securities and Exchange Commission after it disclosed payments to intermediaries on state contracts that may have contravened the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.<\/p>\n

International banks have been ensnared in the scandals, too. HSBC and Standard Chartered have been accused by a British lawmaker of laundering the Guptas\u2019 ill-gotten gains. HSBC says it has closed a number of accounts that belonged to front companies operated by the Gupta family.<\/p>\n

Many trace the deep corruption in the nation to a fundamental flaw in South Africa\u2019s transition from white rule to democracy a generation ago. In the grand bargain struck between the apartheid government and the A.N.C., headed by Nelson Mandela, a transfer of power was carried out peacefully, disproving predictions of civil war and earning Mr. Mandela accolades as a visionary peacemaker.<\/p>\n

But the deal was reached on what many South Africans today consider Pyrrhic terms: The black majority was allowed to control politics, but much of the country\u2019s economic resources, including land, has remained in the hands of white South Africans and a small group of other elites.<\/p>\n

In the early years of A.N.C. rule, Mr. Mandela and other top leaders, who had helped defeat apartheid but had no personal savings, received houses, vehicles and money from white business leaders \u2014 essentially bribes, critics say.<\/p>\n

A smattering of influential figures, like the current president, Mr. Ramaphosa, amassed extraordinary wealth. They were allowed to buy shares of white-owned companies on extremely generous terms and invited to sit on corporate boards. They acted as conduits between the governing party and the white-dominated business world.<\/p>\n

Some of the A.N.C. leaders who were left out of that bonanza quickly found a new road to wealth: lucrative government contracts. The public tap became a legitimate source of wealth for the well connected, but also a wellspring of corruption and political patronage, much as it had been for the white minority during apartheid.<\/p>\n

Over the years, Mr. Zuma and his allies, while never admitting corruption, often played down its corrosive effect on society and emphasized the need to redistribute wealth to black South Africans. It is an argument that Mr. Zuma is expected to make in defending himself against recently reinstated charges of corruption<\/a> in an arms deal from the late 1990s.<\/p>\n

While Mr. Mandela is still revered in the West, his legacy is regarded more critically in South Africa, especially by some young black people. To them, he sold out the country\u2019s black masses to the white business elite.<\/p>\n

Even some of Mr. Mandela\u2019s longtime supporters struggle to defend the deal that he struck to bring democracy to South Africa. Ultimately, it left most black people in poverty while benefiting a small elite, including the chief negotiator during the talks, Mr. Ramaphosa.<\/p>\n

After 27 years as a political prisoner, Mr. Mandela did not understand South Africa\u2019s political economy and agreed to a settlement that failed to secure black South Africans\u2019 economic independence, said Mamphela Ramphele, an anti-apartheid activist who became close to Mr. Mandela. She later went on to serve as a managing director of the World Bank.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe didn\u2019t know any better,\u201d Ms. Ramphele said.<\/p>\n

Entrenched Inequalities<\/strong><\/p>\n

The dairy farm case is emblematic of the many ills afflicting South Africa a quarter-century after the end of apartheid. It shows how corruption, in a government controlled at all levels by a single party, has entrenched old racial inequalities.<\/p>\n

About 125 miles southeast of Johannesburg, in the province of Free State, Vrede is a small farming town with discount chain stores, two supermarkets and a gas station. A cemetery and a police station \u2014 buffers during the apartheid era \u2014 still separate Vrede from the neighboring black township of Thembalihle.<\/p>\n

As in so many other townships, the level of local corruption can be quickly gauged by the quality of government housing for the poor. In one of the most common sources of corruption, money and building materials are diverted from a housing project, often leaving behind shoddy dwellings for poor residents who have waited years or decades to move out of shacks.<\/p>\n

In a new outpost of the township, single-family government houses were so poorly built that many have collapsed, while new houses are being erected on shaky foundations and frames, with deep cracks spreading across extremely thin walls.<\/p>\n

In many ways, the area is a microcosm of the enduring economic imbalance in South Africa. Nationally, black people make up 80 percent of the population, but most remain shut out of economic opportunities. White people, accounting for 8 percent, retain an oversize influence on the economy.<\/p>\n

Nearly all of the commercial farmers around Vrede are white, as is the main government contractor. In the adjoining township, black people operate small taverns and basic carwashes. But in the town of Vrede itself, white people still own all of the faded buildings on the main street, where they \u2014 along with immigrants from other African nations and countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh \u2014 operate shops. Black people, who were not allowed to live in the town under apartheid, now own or rent only about 10 percent of its residences.<\/p>\n

\u201cThis system that was built for us, blacks, it\u2019s very difficult for us to create our own businesses,\u201d said Veli Thulani Tshabalala, 29, who runs a computer and cellphone repair shop with his cousin. They are the only black South Africans to operate a store in Vrede.<\/p>\n

Pieter Bergh, 83, a white South African who served on Vrede\u2019s City Council in the years immediately before and after the end of apartheid, agreed that little has changed for black South Africans since 1994 and that the economic inequality has remained static.<\/p>\n

\u201cThey only received the power to vote \u2014 that was all,\u201d Mr. Bergh said, adding that he \u201cdefinitely\u201d considered that a historical mistake.<\/p>\n

In the late 1990s, officials were purged from city government and replaced by A.N.C. appointees with little experience. The purge, which occurred at all levels of government across the nation, contributed to the corruption that emerged toward the end of Mr. Mandela\u2019s term.<\/p>\n

Here in Free State, one of the first post-apartheid cases of corruption in government revolved around Mr. Magashule, the A.N.C.\u2019s current secretary general.<\/p>\n

Mr. Magashule, now 59, has served as the party\u2019s leader in Free State since the very end of apartheid in 1994. He grew up in Parys, a small town in the province. During apartheid, he was an underground A.N.C. operative whose boldness caught the attention of Winnie Mandela<\/a>, Nelson\u2019s wife and an anti-apartheid activist.<\/p>\n

After white rule ended, he oversaw economic development in the cabinet of the first post-apartheid provincial premier, Mosiuoa Lekota. In an interview, Mr. Lekota said he had caught Mr. Magashule stealing government funds \u2014 a charge that Mr. Magashule, whose spokespeople did not respond to interview requests for this article, has long denied.<\/p>\n

Mr. Lekota said he had fired Mr. Magashule, but was overruled by his patron, the A.N.C.\u2019s deputy secretary general at the time: Mr. Zuma.<\/p>\n

In the early days after the end of apartheid, Mr. Zuma openly complained about the A.N.C. leaders who were getting rich. Most \u2014 like Mr. Ramaphosa and Tokyo Sexwale, another anti-apartheid activist \u2014 were favorites of Mr. Mandela.<\/p>\n

\u201cZuma did go to some of the other guys and said to them, \u2018This is what Mandela is doing. We must wake up and we must go for the money ourselves,\u2019 \u201d said Mr. Lekota, who left the A.N.C. to found his own party, the Congress of the People, in 2008.<\/p>\n

Mr. Magashule went on to flourish inside Free State. He became premier of the province in 2009 just as Mr. Zuma became president.<\/p>\n

Like other powerful premiers, he was able to turn his province into a fief, said Mr. Lekota and several provincial officials from the A.N.C., as well as its historical ally, the South African Communist Party.<\/p>\n

Taxes are mostly collected by the national government, and the money is redistributed to the provinces, where it is spent with little oversight. Free State \u2014 a rural economy where black people remain dependent on the A.N.C. for jobs and government contracts \u2014 has remained a stronghold for the party even as it has lost support among middle-class black voters in urban areas.<\/p>\n

Mr. Magashule\u2019s ambitions, however, were never confined to the province. Like Mr. Zuma, he forged a relationship with the Gupta brothers, who had befriended some high-ranking A.N.C. figures after arriving in South Africa from their native India in the early 1990s. Mr. Magashule\u2019s son, Tshepiso, worked for the Guptas, and, according to emails leaked from a Gupta-company server, served as a conduit to his father\u2019s office.<\/p>\n

Under Mr. Magashule\u2019s governance, many of the province\u2019s public services departments teetered on the brink of insolvency, according to A.N.C. officials and opposition parties. In a harsh report in 2017, the national auditor said that Free State\u2019s government showed \u201ca lack of accountability and commitment towards clean administration,\u201d adding that the situation had worsened in recent years.<\/p>\n

\u201cIf you find that the one who is supposed to be the custodian of the purse like the premier \u2014 he is the one who is involved in corrupt practices \u2014 it becomes easy then for others also to get involved,\u201d said Thabo Manyoni, an A.N.C. official in Free State who was once a close friend and deputy of Mr. Magashule.<\/p>\n

\u201cYou end up in a situation where nobody is able to stop anyone else because we all are doing it,\u201d Mr. Manyoni said.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

The dairy farm in Vrede, part of a corruption case that has fanned outrage across South Africa. Credit Joao Silva\/The New York Times<\/p><\/div>\n

Suspicions from the Start<\/strong><\/p>\n

To many, the dairy farm project appeared to be a swindle from the beginning.<\/p>\n

For starters, there were ample suspicions about the pitchman, Mr. Zwane.<\/p>\n

\u201cI know this guy,\u201d said Mr. Dhlamini, the would-be beneficiary who was also the chairman of Vrede\u2019s arm of the African Farmers Association, a national organization for black farmers. \u201cI don\u2019t trust him.\u201d<\/p>\n

As he climbed the political ranks, Mr. Zwane often came back to Thembalihle, the black township next to Vrede. Sometimes, he doled out fistfuls of cash from the trunk of his latest luxury car, said A.N.C. and opposition politicians, as well as many residents.<\/p>\n

Throughout the township and town, many people shared the same wariness of Mr. Zwane. His meteoric rise had been too fast and seemed tied to the corruption taking hold in the A.N.C. and in Free State.<\/p>\n

Mr. Zwane, who declined through a spokesman to comment for this article, grew up on a nearby farm and moved to Thembalihle in his teens. People remember him as an undistinguished student who, after high school, taught the children of black farm laborers in a nearby village where he met his future wife. The couple lived next to the school building, in a low, two-room concrete structure that is still used as a schoolteacher\u2019s residence.<\/p>\n

There, villagers remember Mr. Zwane as an engaged teacher, at least until he became a district councilor and his interests turned to politics. Soon, Mr. Zwane rose swiftly in the party, as well as in local and district governments, thanks in great part to his close relationship with the province\u2019s head of the A.N.C., Mr. Magashule, according to politicians in Free State. He joined Mr. Magashule\u2019s cabinet in 2009 and a few years later took over the agriculture portfolio.<\/p>\n

When Mr. Zwane became the provincial minister of agriculture, many black farmers in Vrede rejoiced. Like others in the country, they had neither capital nor land. With a local son heading the province\u2019s department of agriculture, they thought their \u201clives were going to change,\u201d recalled Meshack Ncongwane, the deputy chairman of Vrede\u2019s African Farmers Association.<\/p>\n

A dozen black farmers from Vrede chartered a bus, each paying about $20, to attend Mr. Zwane\u2019s swearing-in ceremony in the provincial capital, Bloemfontein, about four hours away. Even the association\u2019s chairman, the skeptical Mr. Dhlamini, went along.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe were happy,\u201d Mr. Ncongwane said, adding, in hindsight, \u201calthough we were happy for a crook.\u201d<\/p>\n

In 2012, Mr. Zwane and agricultural department officials arrived in Vrede to promote the dairy farm project. Flanked by the council speaker, Roseline Zwane, known as Topsy \u2014 who happened to be his wife \u2014 and by his longtime ally, Mayor Tlokotsi John Motaung, Mr. Zwane told the crowd about a dairy farm that would empower black farmers and create 150 jobs.<\/p>\n

Shortly afterward, his department signed the first of its two dairy farm agreements with a company called Estina.<\/p>\n

This was a peculiar choice. Estina was to buy cows for local farmers and process milk at the farm. But the company was headed by a businessman from India who had a background in information technology \u2014 not in farming. Yet, importantly, he had long worked for the Guptas.<\/p>\n

Despite the project\u2019s sketchy details, Mr. Zwane signed off on it and asked the provincial treasury to start paying Estina, according to an investigation by the National Treasury. Initially, he was overruled by lawyers in Mr. Magashule\u2019s office, who deemed the contract invalid because procurement rules, like a competitive bid, had not been followed.<\/p>\n

But that was only a hiccup. The province signed another contract with Estina the following month \u2014 this time with the lawyers\u2019 blessing. That agreement stated that Estina would invest just under $20 million in the project and the province would contribute about $30 million over three years. Local farmers, the so-called beneficiaries, would retain 51 percent of the shares.<\/p>\n

There was \u201csomething fishy\u201d from the start, said Doctor Radebe, who was a councilor for the opposition Democratic Alliance in Vrede. Mr. Zwane and the agricultural officials presented no business plan or budget for the project, but they and the mayor insisted on pressing ahead, Mr. Radebe said.<\/p>\n

The local municipality quickly decided to hand over 3,400 hectares, or about 8,400 acres, of land for the dairy farm.<\/p>\n

In fact, the municipality was so determined to get the project underway that it compensated four white commercial farmers, who had been leasing the land for about $80,000 a year, in order to prematurely break their leases. Later that year, just before Mr. Zwane and his local choir left for India, on a trip sponsored by a Gupta company, the province leased the farm to Estina \u2014 rent-free, for 99 years.<\/p>\n

In an interview, Mayor Motaung said, \u201cWe had no doubt that the plan will work.\u201d<\/p>\n

But the mayor acknowledged that Mr. Zwane presented no detailed plan or document about the proposed dairy farm. Even basic details \u2014 like the criteria for selecting the beneficiaries \u2014 were missing, the mayor said, acknowledging that his role in the project was now under scrutiny.<\/p>\n

The payments to Estina began months later. Court documents show that the province deposited just under $21 million in two Estina bank accounts over three years. Days after every payment, the company transferred the entire sum to other accounts. From there, prosecutors say, the money was withdrawn by individuals and other Gupta-linked companies that had little to do with the farm.<\/p>\n

In fact, prosecutors say that only about 1 percent of the money invested by the province actually went into dairy farming. Beyond that, the National Treasury found no evidence that Estina ever invested its own money in the project, despite its obligation to do so.<\/p>\n

Emails leaked from a Gupta company server indicate that some of the money was sent to the United Arab Emirates and put into accounts registered to the Guptas. The money then made its way back to South Africa through a maze of bank transfers, according to spreadsheets, logs and an invoice in the email trove.<\/p>\n

The emails, amounting to thousands of exchanges, were leaked last year to South African news organizations and an anti-corruption group. It is not known who leaked them, though they soon fanned national outrage at the Gupta family and at Mr. Zuma. The Guptas denied the authenticity of the emails, but some A.N.C. officials included in the correspondence confirmed that they were real.<\/p>\n

In one of the emails, Gupta companies paid one another for expenses at a relative\u2019s lavish four-day wedding in 2013, including fireworks, dancers, chocolates and scarves.<\/p>\n

In another exchange, KPMG, then an auditor of the Gupta companies, ignored a junior employee\u2019s protest and allowed the Gupta family to write off some of the expenses at the wedding as business costs.<\/p>\n

\u201cI have never been to an event like that,\u201d Moses Kgosana, a KPMG executive who attended the wedding, gushed to a Gupta brother in one of the emails, calling it \u201can event of the millennium.\u201d<\/p>\n

The accounting firm has since acknowledged that its actions \u201cfell well short of the quality expected.\u201d<\/p>\n

Many of the problems surrounding the dairy farm could have been ignored had the province not tried to tap into a national fund for struggling farmers. The national government initially agreed to give about $4 million to the project on the condition that the province submit, among other things, a list of 100 poor farmers who would benefit from the farm.<\/p>\n

When the government found no evidence that local farmers were involved, it sent National Treasury auditors to investigate in 2013. Though Mr. Zwane, sometimes accompanied by his wife, had held meetings to look for beneficiaries, no official list had been drawn.<\/p>\n

After the auditors started asking questions, a list of beneficiaries \u2014 between 80 and 100, depending on the version \u2014 was hastily assembled.<\/p>\n

Some were genuine farmers. \u201cOthers, they are not even farmers,\u201d Mr. Radebe said, adding that many were A.N.C. supporters. \u201cThey don\u2019t even have a cat.\u201d<\/p>\n

Estina did try its hand at dairy farming in Vrede. When the National Treasury\u2019s investigators visited in 2013, they found about 350 cows and some buildings under construction. But the seemingly inflated costs \u2014 including $215,000 for a manually sliding gate and a guardhouse \u2014 drew scrutiny from the opposition party.<\/p>\n

And while the beneficiaries were supposedly the farm\u2019s owners, they were never informed of the project\u2019s developments. They were not even allowed to visit the premises.<\/p>\n

Those who were serious about farming started to complain. At a meeting with officials in the provincial government, Mr. Dhlamini and Mr. Ncongwane, of the African Farmers Association, said that when they raised questions about the project, they were dismissed as noisy \u201cfrogs.\u201d<\/p>\n

That especially stung Mr. Dhlamini, who once was the only black South African business owner in Vrede. He ran a small record store called \u201cSiyathuthuka,\u201d or \u201cWe\u2019re moving forward,\u201d in the Zulu language, but was forced to shutter his store because of rising rents. He was now focused full time on farming and owned 35 cows.<\/p>\n

In early 2014, the National Treasury sent a scathing report to Mr. Magashule, the premier of Free State, and told the province to stop paying Estina. But it took Free State another six months to take the farm back. The province even continued to pay Estina another $11 million after officially terminating the contract, court documents show.<\/p>\n

In the end, a project meant to empower black farmers like Mr. Dhlamini further enriched the Guptas and one of the wealthiest white men in Vrede, Willie Basson. With a fleet of vehicles, construction equipment and billboards advertising his business all over town, Mr. Basson is the main government contractor in Vrede and helped build the dairy farm.<\/p>\n

But he said that Estina mismanaged the business so badly that he ended up having to dig graves for as many as 100 cows, even though he had delivered feed for them.<\/p>\n

\u201cThey just do projects like this to get money,\u201d he said in an interview in his office. \u201cThat\u2019s how they operate, but, luckily, they paid me every cent,\u201d Mr. Basson said.<\/p>\n

\u201cHey! It\u2019s rotten in this place here,\u201d he exclaimed, pounding on the table in front of him. \u201cAnd we work with all of them, so we know.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ignoring Alarms<\/strong><\/p>\n

It was a measure of how corrupt South Africa had become a generation after the end of apartheid that nothing was done about the Vrede dairy farm case for years.<\/p>\n

The national police and prosecutors looked away even after the National Treasury raised alarms about the project.<\/p>\n

In Free State, some who spoke out against public corruption were suddenly killed in circumstances that, even in a country with widespread violent crime, aroused suspicions.<\/p>\n

Moses Tshake, a provincial government auditor who inquired about projects in the agriculture department, was killed in a carjacking in 2013. In Warden, a town where Mr. Zwane has a large home, Vusi Mlaba, a politician who had campaigned against corruption in public housing, was fatally shot a dozen times just outside his home in 2016. Police investigations resulted in no arrests in either case.<\/p>\n

As for Mr. Zwane, the dairy farm hardly hurt his career.<\/p>\n

During Mr. Zuma\u2019s presidency, the Gupta brothers increasingly acquired economic and political influence by forging close ties with the president, his son and political allies like Mr. Magashule, the provincial premier who endorsed the dairy farm project. A lawyer for Atul Gupta, from whom prosecutors tried to recover public money spent on the dairy farm, did not respond to a request for an interview with his client.<\/p>\n

The Guptas\u2019 influence, and possibly direct role, in the appointment of ministers and other important government officials has been investigated by the Public Protector and is expected to be a focus of a recently begun government inquiry into public corruption.<\/p>\n

In August 2015, according to the leaked emails, Tony Gupta, the youngest of the three brothers, forwarded Mr. Zwane\u2019s r\u00e9sum\u00e9 to Duduzane Zuma, one of the president\u2019s sons, who was a director of many companies operated by the Guptas. Two months later, Mr. Zwane, whose highest qualification is a teacher\u2019s diploma, became South Africa\u2019s new minister of mineral resources, one of the most important \u2014 and potentially lucrative \u2014 portfolios.<\/p>\n

Shortly after his appointment, Mr. Zwane went to Zurich with Tony Gupta and met with an executive from Glencore, the giant international commodities and mining firm. At the time, the Guptas were trying to buy a Glencore coal mine. In a 2016 report on corruption, the Public Protector called Mr. Zwane\u2019s lobbying in Switzerland \u201cpotentially unlawful.\u201d<\/p>\n

The \u2018Premier League\u2019<\/strong><\/p>\n

Last December, A.N.C. delegates from all over the country chose Mr. Magashule, Free State\u2019s longtime premier, as the party\u2019s secretary general \u2014 one of the top four positions in the party. Mr. Magashule had been one of Mr. Zuma\u2019s fiercest backers, along with two other provincial premiers who became known in the South African news media as the \u201cpremier league.\u201d They had endorsed Mr. Zuma\u2019s chosen candidate as the A.N.C.\u2019s next president.<\/p>\n

But, at the last minute, one of the premiers, David Mabuza, switched sides, handing a narrow victory to Mr. Ramaphosa. Afterward, Mr. Ramaphosa made Mr. Mabuza \u2014 whose province, Mpumalanga, became known for political killings and endemic corruption during Mr. Mabuza\u2019s decade as premier \u2014 the nation\u2019s deputy president.<\/p>\n

With a new president in charge, the national police and prosecutors have started moving against some individuals involved in the dairy farm case. Eight people were charged with fraud, and others had their assets linked to the farm frozen. But a judge released most of the frozen assets in March. The next court hearing in the criminal case is scheduled for August.<\/p>\n

Mr. Zwane, who was not appointed to Mr. Ramaphosa\u2019s new cabinet, has kept out of the public eye in recent weeks. Neither he nor Mr. Magashule has shown any willingness to answer questions about the dairy farm from the news media or Parliament \u2014 reinforcing the public perception that A.N.C. officials are above the law.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhat has gone wrong has gone wrong under their watch,\u201d said Mathole Motshekga, a senior A.N.C. official who is a member of the party\u2019s decision-making body, the national executive committee, and is also chairman of Parliament\u2019s justice committee. \u201cWe expect, and the public expects, that they should take responsibility for what has happened. We are waiting to hear what they have to say, because we don\u2019t expect people in such positions to be absentee landlords.\u201d<\/p>\n

But many have given up on the A.N.C. Though the money lost in the dairy farm paled in comparison to the scale of corruption inside South Africa\u2019s state-owned enterprises, it resonated deeply across the nation. Government money meant to help poor farmers simply vanished, the way it does across South Africa, and so far none of the A.N.C. officials in charge at the local or provincial levels have been held to account.<\/p>\n

As Mr. Ramaphosa pledges to clean up the South Africa he has inherited from Mr. Zuma, this case will test his capacity to do just that. A spokeswoman for Mr. Ramaphosa said he was unavailable for interviews.<\/p>\n

One of the would-be beneficiaries, Adam Khatide, 55, retired early from his teaching job believing that the Vrede dairy farm would take off. In the fallout, he lost faith in the power of his vote.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt\u2019s voting for nothing,\u201d he said. \u201cJust taking people, putting them in office, and then they eat money.\u201d<\/p>\n

When democracy arrived for black people in 1994, Mr. Khatide drove elderly neighbors to voting stations, where they elected Mr. Mandela as the first president of the new South Africa.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe managed to bring democracy, which is not working for us now. It\u2019s working for individuals,\u201d Mr. Khatide said, laughing. \u201cI cannot cry. When I\u2019m crying, it\u2019s just the same. It\u2019s better I must laugh.\u201d<\/p>\n

_______________________________________________<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>Norimitsu Onishi, the Johannesburg bureau chief, has been a foreign correspondent for <\/em>The Times since 1998.<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

A version of this article appears in print on April 16, 2018, on Page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: \u2018They Eat Money\u2019: How Graft Enriches Mandela\u2019s Political Heirs.<\/em><\/p>\n

Go to Original \u2013 nytimes.com<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

16 Apr 2018 – Corruption that has whittled away at virtually every institution in the country. While Mr. Mandela is still revered in the West, his legacy is regarded more critically in South Africa, especially by some young black people. To them, he sold out the country\u2019s black masses to the white business elite.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":109466,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[127],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-109465","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-africa"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/109465","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=109465"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/109465\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/109466"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=109465"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=109465"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=109465"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}