{"id":140783,"date":"2019-08-19T12:00:26","date_gmt":"2019-08-19T11:00:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=140783"},"modified":"2019-08-26T11:17:14","modified_gmt":"2019-08-26T10:17:14","slug":"washington-intensifies-its-collective-punishment-of-venezuelans","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2019\/08\/washington-intensifies-its-collective-punishment-of-venezuelans\/","title":{"rendered":"Washington Intensifies Its Collective Punishment of Venezuelans"},"content":{"rendered":"

Despite previous sanctions leading to over 40,000 deaths in Venezuela over two years, the U.S. is escalating its economic offensive.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

14 Aug 2019 – <\/em>On August 5, the Trump administration issued an executive order<\/a> escalating its sanctions against Venezuela. The order froze all Venezuelan government assets in the United States and threatened third parties around the world with punitive action if they trade with the Venezuelan government.<\/p>\n

The next day, National Security Adviser John Bolton delivered a speech<\/a> to a meeting of foreign governments in Lima, Peru. \u201cWe are sending a signal to third parties that want to do business with the Maduro regime: proceed with extreme caution,\u201d he said. \u201cThere is no need to risk your business interests with the United States.\u201d<\/p>\n

In response<\/a>, the Nicol\u00e1s Maduro government cancelled its negotiations with self-proclaimed \u201cinterim president\u201d Juan Guaid\u00f3, which had been scheduled for later that week in Barbados. The Venezuelan foreign minister plausibly speculated that Washington was \u201ctrying to dynamite the dialogue.\u201d<\/p>\n

The move is the Trump administration\u2019s latest escalation of its coup campaign in Venezuela. In August 2017, Trump imposed sanctions that cut off the government\u2019s access to U.S. financial markets. In January 2019, it recognized<\/a> the right-wing Guaid\u00f3 when he anointed himself president and imposed sanctions<\/a> that prevented Venezuela\u2019s state oil company from exporting to the United States.<\/p>\n

The concrete impact of the new sanctions remains to be seen. Previous sanctions had already deprived the Maduro government of access to its foreign assets. And the Trump administration had already been threatening foreign firms<\/a> with sanctions\u2014and sometimes following through<\/a> \u2014for trading with Venezuela.<\/p>\n

But the intensified threats against third parties may have substantial impacts. Two days after the the U.S. announced the sanctions, the Venezuelan government reported that a ship carrying soy imports was seized in Panama<\/a>. Western Union responded to Trump\u2019s decree by suspending all money transfers<\/a> to Venezuela.<\/p>\n

Previous U.S. sanctions have already had devastating impacts. While U.S. aggression alone did not create the Venezuelan economic crisis, it has made the situation far worse. Economist Francisco Rodr\u00edguez estimates that the 2017 sanctions cost the government $17 billion a year<\/a> in lost oil revenues and that this year\u2019s oil sanctions will cost it an additional $10 billion<\/a> a year. Compared to those figures, the millions in \u201chumanitarian assistance\u201d<\/a> that the United States has offered Venezuelan emigrants are a cynical drop in the bucket.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

Killing Our Children and Elderly<\/strong><\/p>\n

U.S. officials usually claim, at least in public, that the sanctions punish only the government. The August 5 decree contains a vague exclusion for \u201cfood, clothing, and medicine intended to be used to relieve human suffering.\u201d<\/p>\n

Even if the claim were true, international law still forbids<\/a> \u201ccoercive measures of an economic or political character.\u201d And one might question how much moral authority resides with a government that operates concentration camps<\/a> on its border, accelerates an environmental crisis<\/a> that will kill millions of people<\/a>, and supports regimes<\/a> far more repressive than Venezuela\u2019s.<\/p>\n

But the claim itself is obviously false: The victims of the sanctions are the Venezuelan people. By strangling the state-run oil sector that accounts for 99 percent of export revenue and by freezing the government\u2019s foreign assets, the sanctions deprive the country as a whole from obtaining the foreign exchange needed to import food and medicines. Francisco Rodr\u00edguez notes<\/a> that \u201cif you block Venezuela oil exports, you block Venezuela\u2019s capacity to pay for food. Therefore it\u2019s meaningless for you to let food into the country if you\u2019re not letting oil out.\u201d<\/p>\n

Furthermore, capitalists have a tendency to \u201cover-comply\u201d<\/a> with sanctions regimes. That is, they steer clear of economies ostracized by the Western powers even when investing there is legally allowed.<\/p>\n

This past April, a study by the Center for Economic and Policy Research found that sanctions had led to over 40,000 deaths in 2017 and 2018. This year\u2019s sanctions have surely raised that number.<\/em><\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The sanctions thus amount to collective punishment of the Venezuelan people, which is illegal<\/a> according to the Geneva Conventions. This past April, a study by the Center for Economic and Policy Research found that sanctions had led to over 40,000 deaths in 2017 and 2018. This year\u2019s sanctions have surely raised that number. The report has received a total of one<\/a> mention in major U.S. media<\/a>, in the fifteenth paragraph of a Reuters story.<\/p>\n

The impacts are clear to most Venezuelans. Even right-wing polling firms have found strong<\/a> opposition<\/a> to the sanctions. Over two-thirds<\/a> say the sanctions harm them. Meanwhile, Guaid\u00f3 and his team fully support<\/a> the sanctions.<\/p>\n

Jordania Lunar, a young working-class woman from Caracas, blames her government\u2019s mismanagement for \u201c50 percent\u201d of the crisis. But she assigns the rest of the blame to the United States, since \u201cVenezuela has to import its medicines,\u201d and sanctions deprive it of revenue to do so.<\/p>\n

Elba Zapata, a 68-year-old woman who lives on the outskirts of Caracas, rejects the fallacy that the sanctions target only government officials: \u201cThis blockade, this despicable war they\u2019re waging against us, it isn\u2019t bringing down Maduro, it isn\u2019t bringing down Diosdado Cabello [president of the Constituent National Assembly]. It\u2019s bringing down us, the Venezuelan people. And all of it why? Because of a desire to get ahold of Venezuela\u2019s resources.\u201d<\/p>\n

Elba\u2019s great-granddaughter, Desiree, has a life-threatening disease of the lymph nodes and the family is unable to obtain the cure. The girl\u2019s father, Jorge Tarazona, says that the sanctions \u201care killing us, our children, our elderly.\u201d<\/p>\n

When criticism of the sanctions appears in corporate media, it is typically limited to objections that they \u201cwill not work,\u201d<\/a> or that the coup strategy is too \u201csimplistic.\u201d<\/a> Moral condemnations like those of Jordania, Elba, and Jorge are not permitted.<\/p>\n

Nor do most critics acknowledge the logic behind U.S. strategy, which follows an old playbook: inflict misery on civilian populations so that they\u2019ll rise up against governments that the U.S. dislikes.<\/p>\n

Soon after the 1959 Cuban Revolution, State Department official Lester Mallory wrote<\/a> privately that \u201cevery possible means should be undertaken promptly to weaken the economic life of Cuba,\u201d to deny \u201cmoney and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government.\u201d Thus, the economic embargo persists to this day.<\/p>\n

When socialist Salvador Allende was elected president of Chile in 1970, Richard Nixon secretly ordered his underlings to \u201cmake the economy scream.\u201d<\/a> The same aim underlay the economic component of the U.S. terror war against Nicaragua<\/a> in the 1980s, which John Bolton cited as a positive precedent in his August 6 speech.<\/p>\n

U.S. policy toward Venezuela obeys the same logic. At a March 11 press conference, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo expressed optimism that Guaid\u00f3\u2019s forces would soon \u201cturn the tide.\u201d<\/a> In his words, \u201cthe circle is tightening. The humanitarian crisis is increasing by the hour\u2026You can see the increasing pain and suffering that the Venezuelan people are suffering from.\u201d In a similar vein, U.S. special envoy Elliott Abrams has threatened<\/a> that \u201ca Venezuela in recovery\u201d is \u201cnot going to happen under the Maduro regime.\u201d<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Anti-imperialist mural in Caracas (Photo: Venezuelanalysis)<\/p><\/div>\n

A Test of U.S. Power<\/strong><\/p>\n

The coup push in Venezuela is, among other things, a test of U.S. power in an era when the empire\u2019s economic hegemony has been challenged. The Trump administration is betting that, through a mix of persuasion and coercion, it can get the rest of the world to go along.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s had some success. The governments of Haiti<\/a> and several other small Caribbean nations<\/a> have recognized Guaid\u00f3 in exchange for promises of U.S. aid and investment. The coalition of 56 countries backing the coup also includes far-right ideological sympathizers in places like Brazil, Colombia, Hungary, Israel, and Poland.<\/p>\n

Whereas a decade ago, most Latin American governments sought to restrict U.S. influence, a succession of right-wing coups and electoral victories has rolled back that anti-imperialist tide.<\/em><\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The August 6 meeting in Lima was a reflection of this terrain. The central participants were the Lima Group, an alliance<\/a> of right-wing Latin American governments seeking regime change in Venezuela. Whereas a decade ago, most Latin American governments sought to restrict U.S. influence, a succession of right-wing coups and electoral victories has rolled back that anti-imperialist tide.<\/p>\n

Still, the limits of U.S. power have been very apparent. Most of Trump\u2019s allies have opposed his threats of military invasion and have been more committed to negotiations than Washington has.<\/p>\n

The big obstacles, however, are China, Russia, and India, which have refused to back the coup. China and Russia have extended loans to Venezuela, while China and India have bought much of Venezuela\u2019s oil. On August 8, Venezuela and China announced a new joint venture<\/a> to boost Venezuelan oil production.<\/p>\n

Trump officials have tried to sway China and others by warning<\/a> that Venezuela won\u2019t be able to pay back their loans until the economy recovers\u2014which they will not allow \u201cto happen under the Maduro regime.\u201d Now, they are stepping up threats of economic retaliation. But China and company may be too powerful to be bullied, as their defiance of Trump\u2019s Iran sanctions<\/a> also suggests.<\/p>\n

Yet even if it lacks the power to impose regime change, the United States can still impose plenty of misery on Venezuelans.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Time (8\/22\/16)<\/p><\/div>\n

Bleak Prospects<\/strong><\/p>\n

The sanctions will remain in place at least as long as Trump and Maduro are in office, making economic recovery almost impossible. And since most Democrats support the sanctions<\/a>, a potential Democratic president after 2020 might even keep them in place.<\/p>\n

In Venezuela the situation is grim. Though Guaid\u00f3\u2019s prospects appear diminished since the start of this year, a successful coup is still possible. While it would bring an end to sanctions, it would usher in a new era of privatization, deregulation, austerity<\/a>, and likely the mass persecution of leftists\u2014what Guaid\u00f3 supporters term \u201cthe wonderful Venezuela of old.\u201d<\/a><\/p>\n

For its part, the Maduro government has been inept in its handling of the economy, leading to widespread disenchantment. Even among progressive Venezuelans there is growing disillusion. Maduro has not taken adequate action to protect victims of right-wing violence<\/a>, and in many cases, state forces have harassed<\/a> and impeded<\/a> the country\u2019s grassroots democratic forces<\/a>. Imperialist hostility has predictably contributed to the constriction of political space, including for leftist criticism of the government.<\/p>\n

New negotiations are necessary, but what they can produce is unclear. For meaningful negotiations to happen, the Trump regime would need to acknowledge that its coup strategy has failed. To date, it has spurned proposals for compromise<\/a>. Fair negotiations would also require the prior lifting of the sanctions.<\/p>\n

In other words, the immediate prospects are bleak. Trump\u2019s need to appeal to right-wing \u00e9migr\u00e9s in Florida, his vindictive and narcissistic masculinity, and bipartisan complicity in Congress will likely prevent any softening of the sanctions. Venezuelans will continue to pay the price.<\/p>\n

_____________________________________________<\/p>\n

Kevin Young is an Assistant Professor of History at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. He is a co-director of the new documentary <\/em>Venezuelans Under Siege. To see the film, and to donate money for medicines for Venezuelans, visit <\/em>https:\/\/VenezuelansUnderSiege.com<\/em><\/a>. <\/em><\/p>\n

Go to Original \u2013 nacla.org<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

14 Aug 2019 – On August 5, the Trump administration issued an executive order escalating its sanctions against Venezuela. The order froze all Venezuelan government assets in the United States and threatened third parties around the world with punitive action if they trade with the Venezuelan government. Despite previous sanctions leading to over 40,000 deaths in Venezuela over two years, the U.S. is escalating its economic offensive.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":127333,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[65,53],"tags":[1065,120,393,354,1337,1268,1138,1126,1050,378,541,559,234,754,109,287,923,70,557,126],"class_list":["post-140783","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-anglo-america","category-latin-america-and-the-caribbean","tag-chavismo","tag-conflict","tag-coup","tag-economics","tag-embargo","tag-european-union","tag-fake-news","tag-hegemony","tag-imperialism","tag-journalism","tag-latin-america-caribbean","tag-maduro","tag-media","tag-oil","tag-politics","tag-power","tag-sanctions","tag-usa","tag-venezuela","tag-violence"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/140783","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=140783"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/140783\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/127333"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=140783"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=140783"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=140783"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}