{"id":14457,"date":"2011-09-19T12:00:30","date_gmt":"2011-09-19T11:00:30","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=14457"},"modified":"2011-09-13T19:34:20","modified_gmt":"2011-09-13T18:34:20","slug":"the-legal-flaws-of-the-palmer-commission-flotilla-report","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2011\/09\/the-legal-flaws-of-the-palmer-commission-flotilla-report\/","title":{"rendered":"The Legal Flaws of the Palmer Commission Flotilla Report"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>The latest <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/United_Nations\" title=\"United Nations\" >United Nations<\/a> report on last year\u2019s lethal flotilla incident \u2013 in which nine people were killed and many injured by <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/maps.google.com\/maps?ll=31.7833333333,35.2166666667&amp;spn=1.0,1.0&amp;q=31.7833333333,35.2166666667%20%28Israel%29&amp;t=h\" title=\"Israel\" >Israeli<\/a> commandos on board a humanitarian ship bound for <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.guardian.co.uk\/world\/gaza\" title=\"Gaza\" >Gaza<\/a> \u2013 was released at the beginning of September, and generated much controversy. On the one hand, the report makes clear that Israel\u2019s use of force on board the <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/MV_Mavi_Marmara\" title=\"MV Mavi Marmara\" >Mavi Marmara<\/a> and in the treatment of those detained on the ship was excessive and unreasonable. It acknowledges that forensic evidence indicates at least seven were shot in the head or chest, five of them at close range, and recognizes that Israel still refused to provide any accounting of how the nine people were killed. It calls on Tel Aviv to compensate the families of those killed, eight Turks and one American, and also those who were seriously injured during and after the incident, passengers roughed up while in Israeli custody and whose cameras, cell phones and other belongings were confiscated.<\/p>\n<p>The unusually small inquiry panel itself lacked credibility. It was chaired by former <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Prime_Minister_of_New_Zealand\" title=\"Prime Minister of New Zealand\" >New Zealand prime minister<\/a> and international environment law expert Geoffrey Palmer. Astonishingly, the only other independent member was its vice-chair, the former president of Colombia. <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/www.alvarouribevelez.com\/\" title=\"\u00c1lvaro Uribe\" >Alvaro Uribe<\/a>\u2019s notorious history as a human rights abuser who called human rights advocates such as Amnesty International \u201crats,\u201d as well as his legacy of seeking out the closest possible ties to and defense of Israel while in office, make him wildly inappropriate for such an assignment. The panel was rounded out with two members appointed by Israel and Turkey, each of whom appended a partisan dissent to the report.<\/p>\n<p>It is therefore particularly significant that the report, despite several notable shortcomings, still confirmed several longstanding criticisms of Israel\u2019s policies, especially the habitual reliance on excessive and unreasonable force when dealing with Palestinian issues.\u2028Overall, however, the report of the Palmer Commission is severely flawed from an international law perspective. The most significant finding of the report is its most dangerous and legally dubious: the conclusion that Israel\u2019s blockade of Gaza, in effect since mid-2007, was somehow, despite being severely harmful to the 1.5 million Palestinians living in Gaza, a legitimate act of self-defense. The report gives considerable attention to the illegal rockets fired into Israel by Palestinian militants mainly associated with Hamas, and notes, appropriately, that \u201cstopping these violent acts was a necessary step for Israel to take in order to protect its people.\u201d But while that justifies protective action, it does not make the case for a valid claim of self-defense under international law.<\/p>\n<p>The report ignores altogether the crucial fact that a unilateral ceasefire had been observed by Hamas ever since the end of the Gaza War in early 2009. An earlier joint Israeli-Palestinian ceasefire had been declared in July 2008, and had led to a virtual halt in rocket attacks until it was broken by Israel in November of that year, in a lethal assault on Gaza that led to a crumbling of the ceasefire and thereafter to Israel\u2019s <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Gaza_War\" title=\"Gaza War\" >Operation Cast Lead<\/a> on December 27, 2008. The Palmer report cannot be legally persuasive on the central issue of self-defense without addressing the relevance of these ceasefires that gave Israel a viable security alternative to blockade and force. The fact that the word \u201cceasefire\u201d does not even appear in the 105-page document underscores why this report is so unconvincing except to Israel\u2019s partisans.\u2028\u2028Instead of trying diplomacy, which had shown itself effective, Israel relied on a naval blockade, which prevented every boat from reaching the <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/maps.google.com\/maps?ll=31.4166666667,34.3333333333&amp;spn=0.3,0.3&amp;q=31.4166666667,34.3333333333%20%28Gaza%20Strip%29&amp;t=h\" title=\"Gaza Strip\" >Gaza Strip<\/a>, establishing a military siege, cruelly confining all Gazans, children, women and men (more than 50 percent of Gaza\u2019s population is below the age of 15) living under occupation in what amounts to an open-air prison. Such a blockade is a massive and sustained example of collective punishment, unequivocally prohibited by Article 33 of the <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Fourth_Geneva_Convention\" title=\"Fourth Geneva Convention\" >Fourth Geneva Convention<\/a>.\u2028\u2028The main goal of the flotilla was to bring desperately needed humanitarian goods, primarily medical equipment, to Gaza\u2019s hospitals and clinics. But a second important goal was to challenge the illegal blockade, end the siege, and protect the rights of the people of Gaza. According to the <a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Universal_Declaration_of_Human_Rights\" title=\"Universal Declaration of Human Rights\" >Universal Declaration of Human Rights<\/a>, every human being has the right to freedom of movement both within and between all countries yet for more than four years Israel\u2019s siege of Gaza has denied Gazans their right to leave this crowded, impoverished territory, and denied entry to foreign visitors and even to family members. With all land borders closed and the UN and neighboring states unwilling to do more than call repeatedly but futilely on Israel to fulfill its obligation toward an occupied people, the flotilla movement was a peaceful and powerful way to expose the criminality of the siege and blockade of Gaza.<\/p>\n<p>We should not lose sight of the essential nature of the incident. Israel launched a naval attack in the middle of the night on a humanitarian flotilla in international waters, whose six ships had been publicly inspected by harbor and police officials in a number of European countries to ensure there were no weapons on board before heading into international waters and had been tracked from the time they left port. It was neither reasonable nor necessary to mount such an attack for the sake of Israeli security.<\/p>\n<p>Allowing a naval blockade \u2013 which the Palmer Commission acknowledges to be an act of war \u2013 to be imposed by Israel against the helpless civilian population of Gaza and then accepted as \u2018legal\u2019 by the UN, it is a sad day for both the global rule of law and the well-being of some of the most vulnerable and abused people on the planet.<\/p>\n<p>____________________<\/p>\n<p><em>Phyllis Bennis is an outstanding journalist, author, and public intellectual who long have been concerned with Israel\/Palestine conflict, as well as more generally with American foreign policy.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>Richard Falk is a member of the TRANSCEND Network, an international relations scholar, professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University, author, co-author or editor of 40 books, and a speaker and activist on world affairs.<em> He is currently serving his fourth year of a six-year term as a United Nations Special Rapporteur on Palestinian Human Rights.<\/em> Since 2002 he has lived in Santa Barbara, California, and taught at the local campus of the University of California in Global and International Studies, and since 2005 chaired the Board of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. <\/em><em>His most recent book is <\/em>Achieving Human Rights<em> (2009).<\/em><em><\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>This article also appears on the Mondoweiss blog.<\/em><em><\/em><\/p>\n<p><a target=\"_blank\" href=\"http:\/\/richardfalk.wordpress.com\/2011\/09\/13\/the-legal-flaws-of-the-palmer-commission-flotilla-report\/\" >Go to Original \u2013 richardfalk.com<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The latest United Nations report on last year\u2019s lethal flotilla incident \u2013 in which nine people were killed and many injured by Israeli commandos on board a humanitarian ship bound for Gaza \u2013 was released at the beginning of September, and generated much controversy. Astonishingly, the only other independent member was its vice-chair, the former president of Colombia. Alvaro Uribe\u2019s notorious history as a human rights abuser who called human rights advocates such as Amnesty International \u201crats,\u201d as well as his legacy of seeking out the closest possible ties to and defense of Israel while in office, make him wildly inappropriate for such an assignment.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[82],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-14457","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-united-nations"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14457","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=14457"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/14457\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=14457"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=14457"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=14457"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}