{"id":210104,"date":"2022-07-04T12:00:00","date_gmt":"2022-07-04T11:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=210104"},"modified":"2022-07-04T13:10:44","modified_gmt":"2022-07-04T12:10:44","slug":"the-missing-journalism-on-conflict-and-peace-and-the-middle-east","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2022\/07\/the-missing-journalism-on-conflict-and-peace-and-the-middle-east\/","title":{"rendered":"The Missing Journalism on Conflict and Peace&#8211;and the Middle East"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>The local culture seems to demand a short introduction in your own tongue before switching to globalized English.\u00a0 I follow suit:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\">*****<\/p>\n<p><em>Jeg tror ikke man kan snakke om Midt\u00f6sten, og spesielt ikke legge frem et fredsforslag slik jeg har tenkt \u00e5 gj\u00f6re, uten dyp medf\u00f6lelse med verdens j\u00f6der for shoa, og med palestinenserne for okkupasjon og generasjoner i leire.\u00a0 Jeg har levd n\u00e6r begge siden jeg begynte \u00e5 sette meg inn i konflikten en natt i januar 1964 p\u00e5 jernbanestasjonen i Gaza og tror jeg forst\u00e5r og opplever traumenes dybde.\u00a0 Ordet &#8220;fred&#8221; blir problematisk, en dr\u00f6m et sted mellom forr\u00e6deri og oppgivelse.\u00a0 En oppfordring uten like.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>Translation from Norwegian (by <em>TMS<\/em> editor):<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>I do not think it is possible to talk about the Middle East, and especially not to present a peace proposal as I intend to do, without deep sympathy for the Jews of the world for the shoa, and with the Palestinians for occupation and generations in camps.<\/em> <em>I have lived close to both since I began to understand the conflict one night in January 1964 at the Gaza railway station and I think I understand and experience the depth of the traumas.<\/em> <em>The word &#8220;peace&#8221; becomes problematic, a dream somewhere between betrayal and abandonment.<\/em> <em>An invitation without equal.<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\">*****<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>This being the case, let me proceed with care.\u00a0 So I start with two images of international affairs, or human affairs for that matter, two discourses: the security approach and the peace approach.\u00a0 They compete for our attention and address the same concern with violence but are diametrically opposed:<\/p>\n<p>The Security Approach is based on four components:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>An Evil Party, with strong capability and evil intention;<\/li>\n<li>A Clear and Present Danger of Violence, real or potential;<\/li>\n<li>Strength, to defeat or deter the evil party, in turn producing<\/li>\n<li>Security, which is also the best approach to &#8220;peace&#8221;.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>The approach works when evil\/strong parties are weakened through defeat or deterrence, and\/or converted to become good.<\/p>\n<p>The Peace Approach is also based on four components:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>A Conflict, which has not been resolved\/transformed;<\/li>\n<li>A Danger of Violence to &#8220;settle the conflict&#8221;;<\/li>\n<li>Conflict Transformation, empathic\u2011creative\u2011nonviolent, producing<\/li>\n<li>Peace, which is the best approach to &#8220;security&#8221;.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>The approach works through acceptable\/sustainable outcomes.<\/p>\n<p>The security approach presupposes superior strength (of whatever kind, Sun Tzu or Clausewitz), which implies inequality.<\/p>\n<p>The peace approach presupposes a conflict outcome acceptable to all parties and sustainable, which implies equality.<\/p>\n<p>I think you recognize them as scripts underlying thought, speech and action on the whole Middle East issue \u2011 or any other conflict for that matter.\u00a0 The discourses translate into journalism as two styles:<\/p>\n<table>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"295\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>VIOLENCE\u2011WAR\/VICTORY JOURNALISM<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>I. VIOLENCE\/WAR\u2011ORIENTED<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus on conflict arena,<\/p>\n<p>2 parties, 1 goal (win), war<\/p>\n<p>general zero\u2011sum orientation<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>closed space, closed time;<\/p>\n<p>causes and effect in arena,<\/p>\n<p>who threw the first stone;<\/p>\n<p>poor in context<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus only on visible effect<\/p>\n<p>of violence (killed, wounded<\/p>\n<p>and material damage)<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>making wars opaque\/secret<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;us\u2011them&#8221; journalism,<\/p>\n<p>propaganda, voice, for &#8220;us&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>see &#8220;them&#8221; as the problem,<\/p>\n<p>focus on who prevails in war<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>dehumanization of &#8220;them&#8221;;<\/p>\n<p>more so the worse the weapon<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>reactive: waiting for violence<\/p>\n<p>to occur before reporting<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>II.\u00a0 PROPAGANDA\u2011ORIENTED<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>expose &#8220;their&#8221; untruths<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>help &#8220;our&#8221; cover\u2011ups\/lies<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>III. ELITE\u2011ORIENTED<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus on &#8220;their&#8221; violence<\/p>\n<p>and on &#8220;our&#8221; suffering;<\/p>\n<p>on able\u2011bodied elite males,<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>give name of their evil\u2011doer<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus on elite peace\u2011makers,<\/p>\n<p>being elite mouthpiece<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>IV.\u00a0 VICTORY\u2011ORIENTED<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>peace = victory + cease\u2011fire<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>conceal peace\u2011initiative,<\/p>\n<p>before victory is at hand<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus on treaty, institution<\/p>\n<p>the controlled society<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>leaving for another war,<\/p>\n<p>return if the old flares up<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/td>\n<td width=\"295\">&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>CONFLICT\/PEACE JOURNALISM<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>I.\u00a0\u00a0 CONFLICT\u2011ORIENTED<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>explore conflict formation,<\/p>\n<p>x parties, y goals, z issues<\/p>\n<p>general &#8220;win, win&#8221; orientation<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>open space, open time;<\/p>\n<p>causes and outcomes anywhere,<\/p>\n<p>also in history\/culture;<\/p>\n<p>rich in context<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus also on invisible effects<\/p>\n<p>of violence (trauma and glory,<\/p>\n<p>damage to structure\/culture)<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>making conflicts transparent<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>giving voice to all parties;<\/p>\n<p>empathy, understanding<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>see conflict\/war as problem,<\/p>\n<p>focus on conflict creativity<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>humanization of all sides;<\/p>\n<p>more so the worse the weapons<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>proactive: reporting also<\/p>\n<p>before violence\/war occurs<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>II.\u00a0 TRUTH\u2011ORIENTED<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>expose untruths on all sides<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>uncover all cover\u2011ups<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>III. PEOPLE\u2011ORIENTED<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus on violence by all sides<\/p>\n<p>and on suffering all over;<\/p>\n<p>also on women, aged, children,<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>give name to all evil\u2011doers<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus on people peace\u2011makers,<\/p>\n<p>giving voice to the voiceless<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>IV.\u00a0 SOLUTION\u2011ORIENTED<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>peace=nonviolence+creativity<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>highlight peace initiatives,<\/p>\n<p>also to prevent more war<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>focus on structure, culture<\/p>\n<p>the peaceful society<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>aftermath: resolution, re\u2011<\/p>\n<p>construction, reconciliation<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<p>The choice of journalistic style is an implicit choice of discourse, tapping into that underlying script. And my point is, of course, that the second column is by and large missing.<\/p>\n<p>In principle we have ten types of media: for reading, listening, viewing at the local, national and global level, and the internet, the only one that approaches the global level in any meaningful sense. That national media mirror national elites in or out of position is hardly surprising, leaving us with local media as the most promising for a peace discourse.\u00a0 However, being local they are probably best at conflicts at the micro and meso levels, macro and mega conflicts being beyond their horizons.\u00a0 So we are somewhat lost.\u00a0 But that can improve.<\/p>\n<p>In the Table there are four main dimensions defining the cut between the two styles of journalism.\u00a0 In one the unit of discourse is the violent act, and the violent actor, and whether the latter can be prevailed upon with a victory.\u00a0 In the other the unit of discourse is a conflict, meaning a focus on at least two actors.\u00a0 A little bit more challenging intellectually in other words, but not much.<\/p>\n<p>Those actors are usually available for interviews; in fact, they would love to explain their view of the conflict.\u00a0 And that is precisely what conflict and peace journalism would focus on, their bread and butter:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p><em>\u00a0\u2011 \u201cWhat, in your view, is the conflict underlying this act of violence?\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u2011 \u201cWhat, in your view, might be a possible way of solving that conflict?\u201d<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Journalists, include these two questions in your standard repertory and we are in peace journalism.\u00a0 Later on we might ask for the same level of expertise as for, say, health and finance.\u00a0 As en editor of Toronto Star once put it: All you ask is, give peace a page!\u00a0 The point is not that journalists should advocate anything; all they should do is to make peace more visible, like life signs in a coma patient. Whereas the first journalism style would focus on who wins, and see any tendency to understand the other side as an effort to justify their violence.<\/p>\n<p>The table speaks for itself and extensive commentary will soon be available in Reporting Conflict: An Introduction to Peace Journalism, by Jake Lynch, Annabel McGoldrick and myself.\u00a0 Concretely, here are five ways of doing peace journalism, five &#8220;peace angles&#8221;:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>Look at peace in general. How about devoting more journalism to reporting peace? How about reporting the remarkable peace among so many nations in Toronto and Sydney? Among Nordic, European, ASEAN states? How about generating some optimism?\u00a0 Too radical?<\/li>\n<li>Look at peace in the midst of violence. Even during extreme violence in Yugoslavia and the Middle East some peace could be found and could be created; zones, archipelagoes. Explore them.<\/li>\n<li>Look backward: Peace in the past. &#8220;But the situation was peaceful before, wasn&#8217;t it?\u00a0 What went wrong, and what could have been done at he time? Or was something wrong all the time?&#8221;\u00a0 These are standard mediator questions and yield good insights. Could be added to the journalist repertory, for all parties.<\/li>\n<li>Look forward: Peace in the future. Again an example of a standard mediator question:\u00a0 &#8220;How does the Korea\/Yugoslavia\/Gulf region\/Iraq etc. look that you would like to live in?&#8221;\u00a0 Elicit proposals, and, of course, watch out for proposals that have already been articulated, and do deep journalistic probing.<\/li>\n<li>Look sideward: Peace elsewhere. All conflicts are unique, and all share something with other conflicts, like patients and diseases.\u00a0 Switzerland is often mentioned.\u00a0 How about checking\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 such analogies? Could what is somewhere become feasible elsewhere?<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>As conflict is a part of the human condition, and violence may be the outcome anywhere in the world when the parties see no way out, the place to start is everywhere and &#8220;everywhen&#8221;.\u00a0 Don&#8217;t wait for violence to occur, be ahead of the violence.<\/p>\n<p>A peace proposal may be peace in <em>statu nascendi<\/em>.\u00a0 Here is one:<\/p>\n<h3 style=\"text-align: center;\">Israel\/Palestine\/Middle East \u2011 A Transcend Perspective<\/h3>\n<p>For Israel and Palestine there is no security at the end of this road of violence; only increased violence and insecurity.<\/p>\n<p>Israel is now in the most dangerous period of its history: increasingly militarist, fighting unwinnable wars, increasingly isolated and with ever more enemies, exposed to violence, non\u2011 violence and boycott from within and without with the USA sooner or later making support conditional on concessions. The basic change in South Africa, from inside and outside, comes to mind:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Israel&#8217;s moral capital is rapidly depreciating, is probably negative in most countries, slowly also changing in the USA;<\/li>\n<li>Israel suffers from a de facto military coup, offering the electorate a choice of generals with limited agendas;<\/li>\n<li>Israeli violence and intransigence mobilize resistance and struggle in the Arab and Muslims worlds, if not in the sense of inter\u2011state warfare then in the postmodern sense of terrorism against Israeli state terrorism.\u00a0 Highly motivated volunteers willing to enter this struggle are in unlimited supply;<\/li>\n<li>Sooner or later this will include the 18% Israeli Arabs;<\/li>\n<li>Sooner or later this may lead to massive nonviolent struggle, like 100,000 Arab women in black marching on Israel;<\/li>\n<li>Economic boycott of Israeli may come, like for South Africa initiated by NGOs and followed by local authorities and, like South Africa, maybe more important morally than economically;<\/li>\n<li>Again like for South Africa, US policy may change:\n<ul>\n<li><strong>economically<\/strong> Israel is becoming a liability, given trade\/oil problems with Arab countries no longer willing to see the USA as a third party; with imminent boycotts and pressure to disinvest;<\/li>\n<li><strong>militarily<\/strong> Israel may commit the USA to a highly ambiguous war, and bases are available elsewhere (Turkey, Kosova, Macedonia);<\/li>\n<li><strong>politically<\/strong> Israel is a liability in the UN; the EU, and NATO allies, may not legitimize violent intervention. USA may prefer a reasonable agreement to supporting a loser (the Shah, Marcos). Could this peace package be more attractive to reasonable people?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ol>\n<li>\u00a0Palestine is recognized as a state following UNSC 194, 242, 338; with June 4 1967 borders with small land exchanges;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0East Jerusalem becomes the capital of Palestine;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0A Middle East Community with Israel, Palestine, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria as full members, with water, arms, trade regimes based on multilateral consensus; and an Organization for Security and Cooperation in the Middle East with a broader base;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0The Community is supported by the EU, Nordic Community and ASEAN financially and for institution\u2011building expertise;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0Egypt and Jordan lease additional land to Palestine;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0Israel and Palestine become federations with 2 Israeli cantons in Palestine and 2 Palestinian cantons in Israel;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0The two neighbor capitals become a city confederation, also host to major regional, UN and ecumenical institutions;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0The right of return also to Israel is accepted in principle, numbers to be negotiated within the canton formula;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0Israel and Palestine have joint and equitable economic ventures, joint peace education and joint border patrolling;<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0Massive stationing of UN monitoring forces.<\/li>\n<li>\u00a0Sooner or later a Truth and Reconciliation process. Mediating this should not be a country, or a group of countries (EU should be a model more than mediator); but persons generally respected, and a Helsinki\u2011style conference for the Middle East.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>There is some work behind this one, from 1964 on, hundreds of dialogues high and low and backward, forward, sideward.\u00a0 Your commentaries and mine would easily fill not only this conference but a semester.<\/p>\n<p>So let me simplify.\u00a0 As I do not expect Israeli media to line up for interviews let me interview myself, following a little 12 point guide.\u00a0 I do this to make a point or two:<\/p>\n<p>There is nothing sacred about a peace perspective.\u00a0 It should be made readable, audible, visible.<\/p>\n<p>But it should also be exposed to deep, penetrating, even grilling interviews by journalists well prepared to do so \u2011 and whoever puts forward a peace proposal would do well to be at least equally prepared.<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<h3 style=\"padding-left: 40px;\"><em><strong>So, here we go:<\/strong><\/em><\/h3>\n<p><strong>[1] What was the method behind the plan?\u00a0 Dialogue with the parties, and in that case with all the parties?\u00a0 Some trial negotiation?\u00a0 Analogy with other conflicts?\u00a0 Intuition?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The method was dialogue, searching, always questioning, probing.\u00a0 But in that dialogue there was often an opening question I have found very useful: &#8220;What does the Middle East in which you would like to live look like?&#8221;\u00a0 Politicians might be surprised to know how many come up with ideas of a Middle East community.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[2] To what extent is the plan acceptable to all parties? If not, what can be done about it?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The typical answer when I ask politicians high up in countries concerned is positive, accepting, and then the obvious &#8220;but time is not ripe&#8221;.\u00a0 The question is how to make it ripe.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[3] To what extent is the plan, if realized, self\u2011sustainable? If not, what can be done about it?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 I would claim it is self\u2011sustainable.\u00a0 A Middle East community with common market features would generate enough income to sustain itself and not be propped up by outside powers of diasporas.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[4] Is the plan based on autonomous action by the parties, or does it depend on outsiders? What can make it autonomous?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 At the present stage some outside support is indispensable.\u00a0 The European Union could call a conference and present its own expertise, seconded by the Nordic and ASEAN communities.\u00a0 The UN, with its Security Council\u2011\u2011the name already taps into the first discourse\u2011\u2011is unfortunately not an adequate venue.\u00a0 But the conference could start more like a seminar on regional integration for Middle East participants.\u00a0 Maybe the younger generation?<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[5] Is the plan only an outcome plan, or only a process plan about who shall do what, how, when and where, or both?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 At present this is only an outcome plan.\u00a0 Dialogues now take place to identify possible processes.\u00a0 In a parliamentary democracy like Israel a majority that can carry a process would be needed.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[6] To what extent is the plan based on what only elites can do, what only people can do, or on what both can do?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Very much on both.\u00a0 The Nordic and general European experience is that a rich underbrush of NGOs across borders is very helpful; the ASEAN experience is that it can be generated by governmental processes without being directed.\u00a0 There is much to build on in the Middle East. The experience of the Ottoman empire may also be drawn upon; it had elements of being a family of nations.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[7] Does the plan foresee an ongoing conflict resolution process, or is the idea a single\u2011shot agreement?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 A key question of any peace plan. A community would have a rolling agenda handling conflicts as they arise.\u00a0 The European Community has two agendas as it is both territorial, a community of states presided over by the Council, and functional, a community of functions or directorates presided over by the Commission.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[8] Is peace\/conflict transformation education for people, for elites or for both, built into the plan?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 That has to be done.\u00a0 The plan sees Two States Solution as too asymmetric, Israel being too strong, or Palestine too weak.\u00a0 There has to be a setting to even out those differences, like the EC\/EU for the relation between Germany and Luxembourg.\u00a0 Much new thinking was needed in Europe, the same will be the case in the Middle East.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[9] If there has been violence, to what extent does the plan contain elements of reconciliation?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 That has to be done, along the lines of the German textbook approach and the South African Truth and Reconciliation, not along the Anglo\u2011American line of highly divisive tribunals.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[10] If there has been violence, to what extent does the plan contain elements of rehabilitation\/reconstruction?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 So far not. Joint work would be an approach to reconciliation.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[11] If the plan doesn&#8217;t work, is the plan reversible?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Definitely.\u00a0 A state may leave a community, and may rejoin.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>[12] Even if the plan should work for this conflict, does it create new conflicts or problems?\u00a0 Is it really a good deal?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 A major problem would be a Middle East Community strong enough to threaten its neighbors.\u00a0 Not very likely any time soon! But even if Arab Unity has a troubled history there is also that movement in which the five Arab states might also like to participate.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><em>__________________________________________<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 40px;\"><em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/pic-johan-galtung-BW.jpeg\" ><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft wp-image-206845\" src=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/pic-johan-galtung-BW-204x300.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"100\" height=\"147\" \/><\/a> Johan Galtung, a professor of peace studies, dr hc mult, is founder of <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/\" >TRANSCEND International<\/a><em> and rector of <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tpu\/\" >TRANSCEND Peace University<\/a><em>. <\/em><em>He was awarded among others the 1987 Right Livelihood Award, known as the Alternative Nobel Peace Prize.<\/em> <em>Galtung\u00a0has mediated in\u00a0over 150 conflicts in more than 150 countries, and written more than 170 books on peace and related issues<\/em>,<em> 96 as the sole author. More than 40 have been translated to other languages, including <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tup\/index.php?book=1\" >50 Years-100 Peace and Conflict Perspectives<\/a><em> published by <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tup\/\" >TRANSCEND University Press<\/a><em>. His book, <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tup\/index.php?book=46\" >Transcend and Transform<\/a>, <em>was translated to 25 languages<\/em>.<em> He has published more than 1700 articles\u00a0and book\u00a0chapters and over 500 Editorials for <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/\" >TRANSCEND Media Service<\/a>.<em> More<a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/galtung\/\" > information about Prof. Galtung<\/a> and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/galtung\/#publications\" >all of his publications<\/a> can be found at <a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/galtung\/\" >transcend.org\/galtung<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Two images of international affairs, or human affairs for that matter, two discourses: the security approach and the peace approach.\u00a0 They compete for our attention and address the same concern with violence but are diametrically opposed.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":206845,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[31],"tags":[88,767,444,427,119,688,254,126,1365],"class_list":["post-210104","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-editorial","tag-israel","tag-middle-east","tag-nonviolence","tag-palestine","tag-peace","tag-peace-journalism","tag-security","tag-violence","tag-war-journalism"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/210104","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=210104"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/210104\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/206845"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=210104"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=210104"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=210104"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}