{"id":303584,"date":"2025-09-22T12:00:55","date_gmt":"2025-09-22T11:00:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=303584"},"modified":"2025-09-22T08:45:10","modified_gmt":"2025-09-22T07:45:10","slug":"gen-z-nonviolent-movement-to-revolution-against-corruption-in-nepal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2025\/09\/gen-z-nonviolent-movement-to-revolution-against-corruption-in-nepal\/","title":{"rendered":"Gen Z Nonviolent Movement to Revolution against Corruption in Nepal"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nepal Kept Burning, We Sustained Crying<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Abstract<\/strong><\/p>\n

21 Sep 2025\u00a0<\/em>– This essay is based on personal experience and participant observation. The study aims to describe and analyze how the movement on 8 Sep 2025 transformed into a revolution the following day. The hearts of Nepal’s youth were broken when they saw the son(s)-daughter(s) of leaders living abroad enjoying the wealth earned by their fathers through embezzling Nepal’s taxes. They were angry despite their parents’ participation in the people’s movements in 1990 and the republic movement in 2006. Gen Z was frustrated because the system had evolved, but their living conditions had not changed or improved. Leaders, brokers, goons, mafias, judges, and bureaucrats are exploiting the country day and night.<\/p>\n

The youths were looking for the right time. After the government banned social media, Gen Z started a movement against corruption on September 8, believing that this was the opportune moment. On the first day, in addition to Gen Z, a few individuals from Generations X and Y also joined to support the movement against corruption. However, when the government shot and killed schoolchildren in uniform and injured hundreds of Gen Z, the involvement of Gen Z, as well as Gen X and Y, increased significantly from the morning of September 9th and turned the movement into a revolution. Government security forces were stationed at main intersections and cross streets, but by 10 a.m., angry mobs had already started vandalizing and setting fire to the ministers’ private residences. The army chief demanded the prime minister’s resignation, citing the impossibility of providing security to leaders by shooting at the people’s children.<\/p>\n

The army delivered the PM’s resignation to the President’s Office, which was accepted instantly. The PM, ministers, and other senior officials were rescued by an army helicopter and flown to Shivpuri. Subsequently, security forces retreated from the streets to protect themselves from the angry protesters. Parents of Gen Z, including those in Kathmandu, locked their homes and joined the protests, with over two million people taking to the streets in Kathmandu alone. The entire country, including Kathmandu, was in turmoil and burning, with the protests escalating into the country’s first revolution. More than 75 Gen Z individuals have been extrajudicially killed and around 2,500 injured. Most government offices remain closed, and individuals close to Oli and those with criminal backgrounds are openly threatening Gen Z with retaliation.<\/p>\n

The parliament has been dissolved, and foreign powers are in a wait-and-see position. Due to the deep penetration of Oli and Congress into the bureaucracies, courts, constitutional bodies, etc., the government led by Sushila Karki is facing difficulties. All people, including Gen Z, want speedy work completing the formation of the Cabinet and formulating a high-level judicial inquiry committee. Conscious people have a fear about the government’s slow progress in meeting their demands, potentially leading to a new type of conflict. It is crucial to address Gen Z’s frustrations peacefully by adapting indirect and direct diplomacy and engaging in unofficial and official dialogue to prevent further escalating violence and conflict. Conflict transformation by peaceful means is today\u2019s urgency for Nepal to prevent further burning and crying. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Selfology <\/strong><\/h2>\n

Selfology\u00a0is a concept that involves\u00a0self-study\u00a0and self-realization. It focuses on understanding one’s own feelings, thoughts, and behaviors to\u00a0identify and promote\u00a0personal well-being\u00a0and\u00a0growth. Selfology explores the connection between one’s mental state and\u00a0events or tools\u00a0that\u00a0lead\u00a0to self-awareness\u00a0from\u00a0psychological and philosophical perspectives (www.quora.com\/What-do-you-think-of-SELFOLOGY-What-does-it-mean-to-you). It also emphasizes building\u00a0relationships\u00a0for\u00a0personal development and progress (www.progressiveeducation.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/02\/States-of-Mind-Selfology-Curriculum.pdf).\u00a0By\u00a0adopting a\u00a0holistic approach, selfology can help individuals cope\u00a0with life challenges.<\/p>\n

On February 19, 1990,\u00a0at 11:00 AM, Radha Krishna Mainali, the Acting President of the United Left Front,\u00a0scattered\u00a0thousands of pamphlets and leaflets\u00a0into the\u00a0sky on an empty\u00a0road\u00a0about 200 meters west-north\u00a0of\u00a0Dharahara, Kathmandu. He\u00a0then directed me to walk west-north from the American Cultural Center of New Road at the protest site to the Basantapur-Supermarket.\u00a0Leading the way\u00a0with\u00a0a\u00a0three-meter-long flag symbolizing the downfall of the Panchayat regime, I ran and reached ahead of the crowd.<\/p>\n

When the protestors reached Bhotahiti,\u00a0they were stopped by\u00a0hundreds of police officers\u00a0who declared it\u00a0a restricted area. One superintendent of police\u00a0even\u00a0pointed his pistol at my stomach. I confronted him,\u00a0warning that\u00a0while\u00a0he could kill me,\u00a0the protesters behind him wouldn’t spare him either. I reminded him that his son, who was our age, was also part of the rally. He\u00a0eventually lowered\u00a0his pistol, and around\u00a04,000 protestors\u00a0pushed\u00a0through the barricade, chanting slogans against Panchayati anarchism as they\u00a0moved\u00a0forward.<\/p>\n

A\u00a0large number of policemen\u00a0arrived and stopped the crowd in the middle. Our group changed direction\u00a0towards the stadium, coming from Tripureshwar via Putalisadak, Singha Durbar,\u00a0 Thapathali, and Bagbazar. I briefly addressed the crowd, announcing the urgency of restoring of multi-party democracy for the first time in front of Hotel Blue Star. Another speaker, Shankar Pokhrel, the current general secretary of the CPN-UML,\u00a0began to speak but was interrupted by\u00a0a large\u00a0group\u00a0of policemen advancing towards us from Tripureshwor and Thapathali. This forced us to disperse, although many protestors including myself were beaten by a baton charge. Some people were injured.<\/p>\n

I also started following the CPN-Maoist since the People’s War began on February 13, 1996. The reason for following them in this way was that I had just registered for my PhD course on people\u2019s war and human rights. After completing my PhD, I worked on it for two and a half years and published my first comprehensive book, \u201cPolitics of People’s War and Human Rights\u201d in 2005. Similarly, I actively participated in the Democratic Republican April-May Movement 2006, also known as the 19-Day People’s Republican Movement, which was run by the Maoists and seven political parties.<\/p>\n

The Gen Z non-violent movement was a\u00a0rapid revolution against corruption that\u00a0took place over\u00a048 hours on September 8th and 9th, starting at 9:00 AM.\u00a0It targeted the autocratic system of political parties, leaders’\u00a0anarchical\u00a0practices, commission system, and controlling mechanism of brokers. This\u00a0movement had a\u00a0significant\u00a0impact on\u00a0Nepal’s\u00a0longstanding political parties,\u00a0the Nepali Congress and the Nepal Communist Party,\u00a0prompting them to reassess their strategies and start anew. They\u00a0now face\u00a0the challenge of rebuilding their political foundations from scratch.<\/p>\n

In 1990, we belonged to the Gen Z cohort, although\u00a0it was\u00a0before\u00a0the digital age. Our generation was characterized by innovative thinking, political thought, and freedom of all walks of human lives. However, as time has passed, we have transitioned\u00a0into Generation X. This means that the current Gen Z\u00a0individuals are either\u00a0our children or the\u00a0offspring\u00a0of Generations X and Y. The contemporary Gen Z generation is often associated with\u00a0digital\u00a0technology, the\u00a0internet, and social media, distinguishing them strongly from previous generations and demanding a corruption-free society and nation. Generation X is\u00a0considered\u00a0the first\u00a0generation, with\u00a0their descendants\u00a0being\u00a0the third-generation\u00a0of Gen\u00a0Z.<\/p>\n

Just four days ago, Gen Z announced plans to launch a protest against corruption and the ban on social media. On September 8th, they\u00a0initiated a nationwide protest\u00a0at 8.30 am. Unfortunately, on the first day of the protest, security forces in Nepal opened fire indiscriminately in Kathmandu, resulting in the tragic death of 19 youths from bullet wounds. Many others were critically injured, and hundreds were wounded. Gen Z alleges\u00a0that the government\u00a0sent\u00a0spies to disrupt\u00a0their non-violent movement, citing Prime Minister K. P. Oli’s past actions as evidence. Nepal is reeling from the tragic death of young people and children. On September 9th, the Gen Z movement turned to revolution as almost all people took to the streets to support their offspring in retaliation against the Oli-led government\u2019s chaos and bloodshed. The retaliated revolution engulfed all large public and private offices and houses, including Singha Durbar, the president\u2019s office and residence, the Prime Minister\u2019s residence, and police offices and posts.<\/p>\n

Despite the government imposing a curfew in Kathmandu at 13:00 hrs. midday, the Nepal Army were mobilized, and the Gen Z generation continues to protest,\u00a0even entering\u00a0the premises of the Parliament building.\u00a0The protest was being broadcast live on Nepali and Indian television channels. Protests are also taking place across\u00a0Nepal, with\u00a0many Gen Z\u00a0members\u00a0being injured by bullets. Curfews had also been imposed on the main cities of Nepal, with the Nepal Army being mobilized.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0protesters were carrying the national flag and chanting slogans against Prime Minister K. P. Oli to leave the nation, accusing him as of a master of corruption. They question how Oli, with limited up to 8th grade education and humble beginnings, amassed significant wealth,\u00a0even\u00a0in land and abroad.<\/p>\n

The study aims to analyze\u00a0the initiation of the Gen Z non-violent movement and its impact on\u00a0youths, people, and\u00a0the\u00a0nation. It also\u00a0seeks to understand how\u00a0the\u00a0movement\u00a0evolved into a\u00a0revolution after Nepal police opened fire at demonstrators.<\/p>\n

The general objective of the study is to comprehensively analyze the Gen Z protest against corrupt leaders,\u00a0including PM Oli of Nepal.\u00a0Specific objectives include investigating extrajudicial killings\u00a0of\u00a0non-violent\u00a0Gen Z\u00a0protesters and casualties\u00a0that\u00a0occurred\u00a0on\u00a0September 8, 2025. The study also examines the retaliation\u00a0by Generations X and Y,\u00a0as well as\u00a0the involvement of\u00a0criminal-minded\u00a0activists\u00a0from various parties who instigated\u00a0the situation. These individuals subsequently\u00a0lost their criminal records, which were filed at courts, the Commission of Investigation of Abused Authority (CIAA), and other official buildings through destructive burnings of offices during the revolution on September 9th.<\/p>\n

This study\u00a0primarily focuses\u00a0on\u00a0participant observation. Information\u00a0was\u00a0gathered through networking and tracking methods, including\u00a0social media, online media,\u00a0television broadcasts both domestically and internationally, telephone conversations,\u00a0and\u00a0other sources.<\/p>\n

Disappointology<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Disappointology is an emotion that arises from unmet expectations, escalating the emotional and psychological aspects of human frustration. It is a\u00a0term\u00a0that\u00a0combines\u00a0“disappointment”\u00a0with\u00a0the suffix “-ology,”\u00a0indicating\u00a0the scientific study of a subject. In this case, the main focus is on understanding who Gen Z is. This section on disappointology delves into the reasons behind Gen Z’s anger and frustration towards\u00a0government and\u00a0party\u00a0leaders that spill out onto the streets (Dijk & Zeelenberg, 2002). It explains why they are willing to sacrifice their lives to make Nepal a corruption-free country, tackling the rampant corruption in Nepal. This\u00a0state of mind\u00a0encompasses feelings of anger, impatience, and annoyance\u00a0when expectations are not met, plans fail,\u00a0or\u00a0injustices occur. It\u00a0is\u00a0essential to address and manage these emotions to prevent negative outcomes. Developing healthy coping mechanisms\u00a0and communication skills can help individuals navigate\u00a0and overcome frustration effectively.<\/p>\n

The term “Generation” was first used by rapper MC Lars in\u00a02003\u00a0in\u00a0a song titled\u00a0“Talking ‘Bout iGeneration” (rozbellamy.com\/events\/ & Fenton, June 2020).\u00a0Psychology professor\u00a0Jean Twenge also used the term\u00a0for her book in 2006 but changed it\u00a0to\u00a0“Generation Me”\u00a0at the insistence of her publisher (Twenge, 2013).\u00a0She later used the term\u00a0“iGen”\u00a0for her 2017 book. The Pew Research Center found that “Generation Z” was the most popular term for this cohort in the U.S. and now refers to them as\u00a0Gen Z in their research (guides.loc.gov\/consumer-research\/market-segments\/generations).\u00a0Both\u00a0Merriam-Webster and Oxford dictionaries\u00a0have official entries for Generation Z.<\/p>\n

Gen Z is the group of young people born between 1997 and 2012. In various countries around the world, individuals under the age of 28, known as Generation Z, are using social media to raise their voices against corruption, economic inequality, undemocratic governance, and inflation.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0’50 in 50’\u00a0protests\u00a0originated\u00a0as a youth-led movement in the United States, with millions of young people participating in nationwide demonstrations in February, March, and April\u00a0to voice their opposition to\u00a0Donald Trump’s policies,\u00a0show support for\u00a0Ukraine, and\u00a0defend constitutional protections.\u00a0This movement became one of the largest one-day protests in American history (https:\/\/acoup.blog\/2025\/02\/14\/fireside-friday-february-14-2025-on-grant-funding\/).<\/p>\n

In July 2025, right-wing youth\u00a0in the United States began protesting against immigration policies, leading to\u00a0street blockades, hotel blockades, and online campaigns that\u00a0turned violent (Associated Press, July 18, 2025). The protests\u00a0resulted\u00a0in a\u00a0significant\u00a0police crackdown\u00a0and\u00a0exposed deep societal division. The Gen Z movement gained momentum\u00a0in 2020 with protests against racial oppression in the United States. Subsequent protests in Kenya in June 2024 demanded\u00a0the reversal\u00a0of tax increases and accountability\u00a0for\u00a0corruption,\u00a0culminating in the ‘Occupy Parliament’ movement, where protesters set fire to\u00a0the parliament building, resulting in\u00a0numerous\u00a0deaths in a police crackdown that\u00a0ignited a worldwide youth movement.\u00a0While the tax increases were repealed, the protests continued (Mbugua, July 2025).\u00a0 <\/em><\/p>\n

In Mongolia,\u00a0protests against corruption and excessive spending\u00a0from March to June\u00a02025 led to the resignation of Prime Minister Luvsannamsren Oyun and a change of government\u00a0following\u00a0a motion of no confidence. In Indonesia, a\u00a0leaderless\u00a0movement began on August 25, 2025,\u00a0protesting\u00a0against the\u00a0extravagant\u00a0allowances and benefits received by lawmakers\u00a0and\u00a0calling for\u00a0justice against economic inequality.\u00a0The protests\u00a0escalated to\u00a0violence\u00a0and spread to 32 provinces, prompting the government to revoke parliamentary privileges (https:\/\/newsofnepal.com\/2025\/09\/08\/730042\/).<\/p>\n

A digital campaign has been launched in France to\u00a0address\u00a0economic inequality and the rising cost of living. The goal\u00a0is to\u00a0hold\u00a0a large nationwide protest on September 10, 2025, with the participation of\u00a0100,000 youths. This movement, supported by\u00a0trade unions, has\u00a0garnered the attention of the government. In July 2025, young people protested against government efforts to undermine the anti-corruption agenda. The movement, coordinated through social media, forced the government to rethink its policies, and increase transparency against corruption (https:\/\/newsofnepal.com\/2025\/09\/08\/730042\/).<\/p>\n

Gen Z\u00a0has become\u00a0a hot topic\u00a0in\u00a0Nepal as their movement gaining widespread attention. Initially, only a few\u00a0people knew\u00a0about Gen Z, but after their protests began,\u00a0both Nepalis and people worldwide recognized them as non-violent protestors advocating for\u00a0a corruption-free society. The\u00a0movement called for the lifting of\u00a0social media restrictions, with\u00a0Prime Minister Oli\u00a0condemning anarchy and disobedience while\u00a0disregarding\u00a0the voices\u00a0of the people\u00a0affected by\u00a0corruption, bad governance,\u00a0and\u00a0unemployment. This sparked a wave of protests by the distressed generation, using social media\u00a0as a\u00a0platform\u00a0for self-expression. Young people\u00a0utilized social media to\u00a0criticize, express emotions, share\u00a0dreams and happiness, cry, laugh, sing, sorrow, and connect with others, making it a vital tool for the movement.<\/p>\n

The great majority of the Gen Z were disciplined and polite. The first reason for this was that some of them were secondary school students, some were studying in 11th or 12th grade, and some had even completed their university studies. Therefore, there was bound to be diversity in their thinking. The government did not want to address their grievances, let alone listen to them. It is very difficult to show the way when the path is lost. Social media was a tool to express their frustration, the government’s decision was like the sky falling on them.<\/p>\n

The extreme repression of the movement increased anger and hatred. It was not uncommon for more than two dozen people to die and hundreds to be injured in a single day. This laid the foundation for destruction. We now have a heartbreaking picture of destruction before us. There are tears and sighs from the families of the killed from bullet wounds and injured. The serious weaknesses of the security forces and the infiltrators with hidden motives in the movement turned the peaceful movement of the Gen Z into a path of destruction. An unimaginable tragedy unfolded before us.<\/p>\n

The Gen-Z\u00a0generation, who grew up\u00a0immersed in\u00a0digital technology, is more\u00a0emotionally attuned than commonly believed. They possess a wide range of emotions, thoughts, and feelings, with a strong sense of patriotism, societal responsibility, and appreciation for\u00a0life. They hold\u00a0deep convictions for\u00a0freedom, equality, and justice and are well-versed in concepts\u00a0of democracy and human rights. They are\u00a0quick to identify and\u00a0criticize\u00a0discrimination. Gen Z is deeply invested in shaping\u00a0their own future and that of their nation, leveraging the power of digital technology and global connectivity\u00a0to amplify their voices.<\/p>\n

Social media serves as a platform for creativity rather than a mere outlet for chaos, hatred, and anger for this generation. However, they are not without their vulnerabilities, as they may struggle with cheap sentimentality, chaos,\u00a0and other psychological\u00a0issues, often stemming from familial dynamics\u00a0and the current\u00a0economic, social,\u00a0and cultural\u00a0landscape. Their worldview\u00a0is also\u00a0influenced by populism\u00a0and consumerism, which can impact their decision-making.<\/p>\n

While a significant portion of Gen Z may lean towards conservative ideologies in\u00a0the\u00a0upcoming 2024 US election, the\u00a0overall\u00a0trend indicates a\u00a0liberal, critical, sensitive,\u00a0and committed generation that values\u00a0humanity, democracy, and\u00a0ethical principles. They are not afraid to take a stand, even resorting\u00a0to boycotts\u00a0or\u00a0extreme measures\u00a0if their demands are not met (Giri, September 13, 2025).<\/p>\n

Stubbornology<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Stubbornology is the study of extreme stubbornness, where individuals\u00a0strongly\u00a0believe\u00a0in their own knowledge and refuse to consider alternative viewpoints. This term combines “stubborn” with the “-ology” suffix, typically used for fields of study. A person practicing stubbornology may use humor, sarcasm, and sharp words to defend\u00a0their beliefs and\u00a0limited understanding, even if they lack expertise on a specific topic. This subheading attempts to briefly describe who outgoing Prime Minister Oli is.<\/p>\n

In 2020,\u00a0during a doctors’ program, PM Oli stated\u00a0that the coronavirus is primarily transmitted through the eyes, followed by the mouth, and then the nose. The doctors present did not correct him and accepted his statement without objection. Oli himself has admitted that\u00a0his stubbornness\u00a0led to\u00a0the Gen Z movement turning\u00a0into a revolution, resulting in\u00a0a large number of\u00a0extrajudicial\u00a0killings\u00a0and\u00a0the destruction\u00a0of public wealth and infrastructure.<\/p>\n

K. P. Oli, born on February 23, 1952, in a poor family in Chhatedhunga, Terhathum district, is the current chairman of the CPN (UML). He was ousted as prime minister by the Gen Z revolution. Oli has also served as Home Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, and Foreign Minister of Nepal and has been Prime Minister three times. During his tenure, Oli faced controversy for his blunt language, harsh remarks, hostility towards critics, and the media, silence on corruption, and failure to achieve economic growth, among other issues.<\/p>\n

Oli\u00a0spent\u00a014 years in prison for\u00a0the\u00a0murder\u00a0of\u00a0a wealthy man in the Jhapa incident of 1972,\u00a0believing him\u00a0to be\u00a0an enemy of the\u00a0people. He had no role in the formation of the CPN-UML\u00a0due to his time in prison. When did Oli start leading the party?<\/p>\n

Madan Bhandari, the\u00a0secretary general of the UML\u00a0and\u00a0a proponent of people\u2019s multi-party democracy, opposed the Integrated Mahakali Treaty and was mysteriously killed\u00a0in a Jeep incident on May 17, 1993, along with Jeevraj Ashrit (Pathak, 2005). Amar Lama, the sole surviving witness to Bhandari’s murder, was also\u00a0killed on the orders of\u00a0CPN (Maoist) Secretary General Badal. It has been revealed that\u00a0Oli and former President Bidhya Devi Bhandari met with Badal before the murder and sought his help in the killing.<\/p>\n

An\u00a0inquiry commission\u00a0led by Oli\u00a0revealed that Bhandari and Ashrit were murdered in a conspiratorial manner. Many UML workers opposed the action and were\u00a0killed.\u00a0Oli’s hold on the party\u00a0strengthened after this incident.\u00a0However,\u00a0after Oli became Prime Minister and Pandey became President, the UML began\u00a0celebrating\u00a0Bhandari’s birthday in addition to remembering the day of his assassination and, instead, investigating Bhandari\u2019s killing. Oli and Pandey remained silent during their entire tenure, fearing\u00a0it\u00a0would turn against Oli. The\u00a0belief\u00a0that Bhandari and Ashrit were murdered with the\u00a0grand design\u00a0of foreign powers,\u00a0assisted by Oli, is widespread among\u00a0Nepalis.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0Mahakali Treaty was signed\u00a0on February 12, 1996, by\u00a0then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba of Nepal and his\u00a0Indian\u00a0counterpart PV Narsimha Rao (Human Rights Year Book 1996:1997). The United People’s Front\u00a0presented a\u00a040-point demand\u00a0to\u00a0Prime Minister Deuba,\u00a0who\u00a0was\u00a0focused on signing the treaty with India and did not address their concerns. The cancellation of the treaty was a\u00a0key\u00a0demand\u00a0of the Maoists, who declared the People’s War the\u00a0day after the treaty was signed.<\/p>\n

The UML\u00a0formed a task force\u00a0led by KP Sharma Oli in April 1996 to study the treaty. The report, which was\u00a0made public in September 1996, outlined\u00a0both\u00a0the\u00a0positive and negative impacts of the treaty (Human Rights Year Book 1996:1997). During this time, there were reports in newspapers that the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu had allocated a significant\u00a0amount of NRs.300 million (US $\u00a0<\/span>4 million)\u00a0to bribe\u00a0senior leaders\u00a0and\u00a0members of parliament to\u00a0gain their support.<\/p>\n

As I\u00a0prepared\u00a0for\u00a0my\u00a0PhD studies, I\u00a0observed the divisions within the party. Madhav Kumar Nepal,\u00a0the\u00a0then Secretary General of the UML, controlled the party and its workers, while\u00a0K. P. \u00a0\u00a0Oli\u00a0focused\u00a0on the parliamentarians.\u00a0Additionally, Jhala Nath Khanal and Bharat Mohan Adhikari\u00a0had\u00a0connections\u00a0with the Indian Embassy.\u00a0Under pressure from various sources, the\u00a0UML party chairman\u00a0at the time,\u00a0Manmohan Adhikari, who had\u00a0opposed\u00a0the Mahakali Treaty, fell ill\u00a0at the last minute. In his place, an\u00a0alternative central committee member,\u00a0Deb Raj Ghimire\u00a0(the\u00a0current Speaker of the Federal Parliament),\u00a0voted\u00a0in favor of the treaty. The resolution\u00a0passed by a\u00a0narrow\u00a0majority in the central committee meeting of the UML. As a result, the dissidents of Mahakali treaty of UML parliamentarians split into ML faction too.<\/p>\n

The author was\u00a0a direct witness\u00a0to the events following\u00a0Bhandari’s assassination.\u00a0Oli’s financial situation\u00a0significantly improved\u00a0after the\u00a0incident. Additionally, his\u00a0power within the party\u00a0grew stronger than that of\u00a0the then general secretary,\u00a0Madhav Kumar Nepal, especially after the ratification of the Mahakali Treaty by the Parliament. As\u00a0Home Minister,\u00a0Oli allegedly\u00a0destroyed all evidence and testimonies related to Bhandari’s murder.<\/p>\n

Many\u00a0land properties\u00a0previously\u00a0nationalized by the royal family are now\u00a0linked to Yeti. Oli is the unseen proprietor of Yeti. The Nepali Army\u00a0reportedly holds\u00a0secret evidence of Oli’s illicit connections with RAW, Mafia groups, his visits to Yeti’s office,\u00a0and more.<\/p>\n

On September 7,\u00a0Prime Minister Oli made a controversial statement asking, “Who is Gen Z?” This remark stirred up controversy and drew comparisons to the authoritarian tactics of Mussolini. Mussolini, who served\u00a0as Prime Minister\u00a0of\u00a0Italy for a record 21 years, was known for denouncing his opponents as fascists. Similarly, Oli displayed extreme opposition to dissenting voices and rivals, reminiscent of Mussolini’s tactics.<\/p>\n

His courtiers\u00a0played a\u00a0significant role in his rise to dictatorship. They were unable to offer suggestions to Oli directly and were kept away from him by competent advisors who controlled access to him. The courtiers were not\u00a0there\u00a0to advise Oli\u00a0but\u00a0to\u00a0listen\u00a0to him and carry out his instructions. Their main responsibility\u00a0was to\u00a0handle the money\u00a0obtained through\u00a0corruption, commissions, and profits,\u00a0both\u00a0within the country and internationally. Oli would only\u00a0involve\u00a0his courtiers\u00a0in\u00a0negotiations and collaborations\u00a0if there was\u00a0a financial gain to be made.<\/p>\n

Oli did not have a stake in any political party, but he exerted\u00a0control\u00a0over\u00a0the CPN-UML as\u00a0if it were his personal domain. In Nepal, there is a history of opposition figures who could not\u00a0tolerate\u00a0him and either left party or\u00a0formed splinter groups. Even the General Secretary of\u00a0the Nepali Congress, Gagan Thapa, a coalition partner in Oli’s government, publicly criticized him by suggesting that brokers had undue (up to bed) influence over\u00a0the PM Oli. Oli’s intolerance towards educated individuals may stem from his limited education, having only completed up to grade 8th in someone else’s home. This lack of formal education may have contributed to his tendency to disparage academics in\u00a0his\u00a0speeches.<\/p>\n

Oli has managed to maintain his position in Nepali politics thanks to his\u00a0skill in orchestrating conspiracies. He\u00a0has\u00a0effectively sidelined\u00a0competitors like\u00a0Radha Krishna Mainali and\u00a0Ashok Rai, among others, through his manipulation. Former Vice President Bhim Rao is no\u00a0longer\u00a0a member of the party, and\u00a0Madhav Nepal, Jhalanath Khanal, and others\u00a0have formed a\u00a0new\u00a0party. Even Bamdev Gautam,\u00a0who was once Oli’s right-hand man, has distanced himself from him. Oli\u2019s right to power came after the assassinations\u00a0of Madan Bhandari and Jivaraj Ashrit,\u00a0allowing him to rule as a despot. Bidhyadevi Bhandari,\u00a0who was elected president, has\u00a0emerged as a rival to Oli within the UML party now.\u00a0It is remarkable that Madan’s murder is a significant factor in this rivalry.<\/p>\n

Since\u00a02019, when Oli\u00a0assumed the role of\u00a0Prime Minister and Bidhyadevi Bhandari became President,\u00a0I have consistently asserted\u00a0in live TV interviews that Oli was implicated in the murders\u00a0of Madan Bhandari and Ashrit. I have also\u00a0expressed my willingness\u00a0to work without\u00a0compensation\u00a0if the government\u00a0authorizes me to lead\u00a0the investigation into these conspiratorial killings.<\/p>\n

Oli has strategically\u00a0placed his own\u00a0loyalists in\u00a0key positions, such as the Supreme Court and 12 constitutional bodies\u00a0like\u00a0the CIAA, Election Commission, and National Human Rights Commission.\u00a0For example,\u00a0senior judge Sapana Malla Pradhan, a former UML Member of Parliament, is\u00a0expected\u00a0to become\u00a0the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Another example is\u00a0Hari Phuyal,\u00a0a\u00a0judge of the Supreme Court\u00a0who previously served as the Attorney General under Oli’s government,\u00a0likely to be\u00a0the next Chief Justice.<\/p>\n

With the exception of the current Chief Justice Prakashman Singh Raut and a few other judges, the majority of the court is filled with Oli’s party loyalists. These judges have not shown independence, impartiality, or a commitment to delivering justice to the victims. Apart from a few outliers, most of the court is comprised of Oli’s party supporters, raising concerns about their\u00a0independence and impartiality. There are allegations of corruption, with rumors suggesting\u00a0that Oli\u00a0received\u00a0a commission of up to two billion rupees for appointing\u00a0Maha Prasad Adhikari as the Governor of Nepal. This alleged corruption has had negative\u00a0consequences, such as a recession caused by increased interest rates in private banks to generate the\u00a0necessary\u00a0funds.<\/p>\n

Donor-based human rights activists and civil society leaders who support Oli have written to\u00a0the President\u00a0urging\u00a0protection\u00a0from prosecution.\u00a0On September 18, 2025, a group 14 individuals,\u00a0including Sushil Pyakurel, Mallake Sundar, Dr. Kundan Aryal, Tikaram Bhattarai,\u00a0and\u00a0Kanakamani Dixit,\u00a0met with\u00a0the President\u00a0and submitted a\u00a0written\u00a0request\u00a0to the civilian government\u00a0to refrain from taking action against Oli.<\/p>\n

Kantipur reported on September 18, 2025, that Oli\u00a0stated in a Cabinet meeting\u00a0on the evening of September 8\u00a0that some Gen Z individuals may die, further insulting their Gen Z movement. This\u00a0behavior could\u00a0be attributed to Oli\u00a0not having children, harboring animosity towards\u00a0other people’s children, or\u00a0simply\u00a0lacking\u00a0love and compassion.<\/p>\n

The country\u00a0faced a destructive, yet revolutionary tragedy\u00a0due to Oli\u2019s authoritarian Mussolini-style approach, insisting that power should be held by either himself or Deuba.\u00a0Oli must\u00a0accept\u00a0full responsibility for these\u00a0grave human rights violations.<\/p>\n

Revolutionology<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Revolutionology is\u00a0the study of\u00a0major, sudden, and fundamental changes in\u00a0societal structures,\u00a0often involving\u00a0socio-political upheavals, turmoil, and violence. It\u00a0is\u00a0a\u00a0field dedicated to\u00a0systematically analyzing revolutions, including their reasons, processes, and consequences (Sorokin, 1925). The term “revolutionology” is a blend of “revolution” and “ology,” where “ology” denotes the\u00a0study of science. Revolutionology combines social and political\u00a0studies to provide\u00a0theoretical and\u00a0scientific approaches\u00a0to understanding the\u00a0causes, dynamics, and outcomes of\u00a0revolutions (Simirenko, 1973). It focuses on events like\u00a0the Gen Z non-violent movement\u00a0to revolt against corruption,\u00a0which aims to bring about transformative change by challenging senior leaders and judges.<\/p>\n

Despite the social media ban, the news\u00a0of\u00a0Gen Z\u00a0planning to\u00a0protest\u00a0against corruption on September 8th had\u00a0sparked interest across all age groups. People were\u00a0eager to see\u00a0what would\u00a0unfold on that day.\u00a0Many wondered if\u00a0the government-imposed curfew\u00a0would be lifted. Even those\u00a0living abroad, who were\u00a0Gen Z citizens, were discussing the upcoming protest with\u00a0their\u00a0parents. Meanwhile, younger siblings were making plans to attend the event with their friends.<\/p>\n

On the morning of September 8th, Gen Z students in school uniforms started
\ngathering\u00a0at Maitighar Mandela\u00a0in\u00a0Kathmandu as early as 8:30 am. The crowd of Gen Z participants grew steadily, attracting the attention of the media. Some parents and guardians of Gen Z members also joined the gathering. The\u00a0Nepal Police and Armed Police Force were\u00a0deployed along\u00a0the route, setting up barricades\u00a0to prevent the procession from\u00a0reaching\u00a0the New Baneshwor Federal Parliament Building. The police\u00a0had been\u00a0on duty\u00a0since\u00a07 am that day.<\/p>\n

Before 10 a.m., a\u00a0crowd\u00a0unexpectedly gathered at Mandela, focusing on contemporary corruption. Slogans and placards highlighted issues such as misuse of tax money and government corruption. Many Gen Z individuals wore the Nepali flag and\u00a0peacefully chanted slogans as they\u00a0moved towards\u00a0a\u00a0designated Parliament building area.\u00a0There had been a tussle between a crow and the police. Some were visibly angry, especially after the police used force to disperse the crowd, leading to injuries as they broke the barricades.<\/p>\n

Despite this, a few managed to climb onto\u00a0a\u00a0vehicle\u00a0in New Baneshwor around noon. One of Oli’s extraordinary talents was successfully taking control of situations by inciting them, as seen in the movement led by Durga Prasai on March 28, 2025. There are suspicions that government officials\u00a0may\u00a0have\u00a0incited\u00a0the situation, as\u00a0Gen Z alleges the presence of\u00a0spies\u00a0sent\u00a0to disrupt their movement, citing Prime Minister K. P. Oli’s past actions. The tragic deaths\u00a0of young people and children\u00a0have left Nepal in mourning.<\/p>\n

At 12:30\u00a0p.m., a group of approximately\u00a0150 Gen Z\u00a0individuals ignored the risk of police intervention and breached\u00a0the compound wall\u00a0to\u00a0enter\u00a0the Parliament building compound.\u00a0By 1:00 p.m., a\u00a0student collapsed\u00a0at\u00a0New Baneshwor Chowk by police bullets. The emotional scene led to tears as his friend cried out in anguish. Sadly, the student passed away en route\u00a0to the nearby Civil Hospital.\u00a0Subsequently,\u00a0the sound of gunfire\u00a0filled the air as Gen Z protesters began pelting stones at the police in response to what they perceived as excessive force.<\/p>\n

Before 2 p.m., the\u00a0Chief District Office in Kathmandu imposed a curfew\u00a0in\u00a0the New Baneshwor area,\u00a0near\u00a0the Prime Minister’s Office and the President’s residence. Around 2:30 p.m., the army\u00a0arrived in\u00a0New Baneshwor with armored vehicles, but they did not take action against the Gen Z protesters during the curfew. Some army soldiers were moved to tears by the suffering and distress of the injured individuals, regardless of their generational affiliation. The chaotic situation made it hard to determine the number of casualties, injuries, or the locations where those needing medical attention were being taken. Initial reports suggested that rubber bullets were used by the police, but medical professionals later confirmed that metal bullets had been fired, causing severe injuries to vital areas of the body. The shocking events left all observers in a state of disbelief and shock.<\/p>\n

A\u00a0significant\u00a0number of those killed and injured were students who had come from outside Kathmandu and were studying\u00a0in hostels or\u00a0rented\u00a0rooms.\u00a0Just\u00a0before 7 p.m., news\u00a0broke\u00a0that 19 people had been shot dead. The\u00a0protest, initially confined to\u00a0New Baneshwor,\u00a0quickly\u00a0spread to other parts of Kathmandu.\u00a0The demonstration was broadcast live on almost all national TV channels in Nepal and India. Despite\u00a0curfews and endangering their lives, protesters took to the streets not only in Kathmandu but\u00a0also\u00a0across the country.\u00a0Following the shooting of\u00a0young students, their parents and grandparents of Gen Z remained\u00a0furious\u00a0with the government. Even during the curfew, reports continued to\u00a0surface of clashes between Gen Z and\u00a0the\u00a0police until 10 p.m.<\/p>\n

On the morning of September 9,\u00a0both\u00a0Gen Z\u00a0and\u00a0some of their parents disregarded the curfew and gathered in the streets. Reports emerged that the house of the government spokesman\/communication minister, known for his harsh statements, had been set on fire by angry mobs. Subsequently, vandalism and arson of private properties, including\u00a0those belonging to\u00a0Bhatbhateni\u00a0close to Oli, occurred\u00a0nationwide. Security forces were in a state of panic as millions of people flooded the streets in Kathmandu to support Gen Z. When Prime Minister Oli’s resignation was announced at 1 p.m., the morale\u00a0of security forces\u00a0plummeted. The Nepal Army defied Oli\u2019s order to maintain law and order,\u00a0protecting leaders and their properties\u00a0at the cost of\u00a0killing people\u2019s sons and daughters. The grave insecurity situation ultimately forced Oli to resign.<\/p>\n

After Oli’s resignation, the police prioritized their safety and withdrew from crowd control. The morale among both the police force and\u00a0the army\u00a0remained low, with many police personnel choosing to flee to safety in civilian clothes to avoid potential harm. The first day of the protest\u00a0quickly escalated and spread\u00a0across the country, with buildings belonging to\u00a0party leaders,\u00a0new barons, businessmen, and brokers being set on fire. Oli\u2019s\u00a0promotion of crony capitalism in Nepal had led to widespread unrest. Despite the curfew imposed by the CDO office,\u00a0the situation\u00a0continued to spiral out of control as\u00a0protesters took\u00a0over\u00a0the country.<\/p>\n

The violent protests led to vandalism, arson, and looting of 455 barracks and offices across the nation, including the Kathmandu Valley Police Office. According to SSP Ramesh Thapa of the Police Headquarters, 1,100 weapons\u00a0were stolen during the chaos. A total of 197 police officers were completely destroyed,\u00a0while 258\u00a0others suffered partial damage.\u00a0Tragically, three\u00a0police officers lost their lives in the line of duty,\u00a0and\u00a01,963\u00a0officers were injured.\u00a0The majority of the injured officers\u00a0have been\u00a0treated and discharged, but 24 are still receiving medical care\u00a0(Kantipur, September 17, 2025).<\/p>\n

The Singha Durbar,\u00a0a symbol of\u00a0national pride\u00a0in\u00a0Nepal,\u00a0proved\u00a0to be difficult to burn.\u00a0Despite attempts to set it on fire with petrol-soaked cloth, the fire struggled to ignite. Eventually, after\u00a0multiple tries,\u00a0a large pile of cloth\u00a0was successful in starting a fire on the second floor. It’s worth noting\u00a0that there\u00a0were no\u00a0vehicles on the road, indicating premeditated plans to set the Singha Durbar ablaze. The lack of intervention to stop the burning suggests that agitators had infiltrated the\u00a0area\u00a0with\u00a0intentions to align with\u00a0a political party. Despite\u00a0the presence of\u00a0thousands of protesters, a\u00a0small group managed to\u00a0burn\u00a0down the Singha Durbar,\u00a0a historic building constructed\u00a0by Chandra Shamsher in 1908.<\/p>\n

Throughout history, the Supreme Court has faced criticism for favoring perpetrators over victims. Many cases,\u00a0particularly those involving the poor and victims of people’s war, have remained unresolved for years. The writer\u00a0highlights a lack of verdicts against the UML and Nepali Congress, who are\u00a0currently\u00a0in power. Thousands of corruption and\u00a0people’s war victim\u00a0cases are pending in the Supreme Court, with around six\u00a0cases against Oli. Nepal’s courts have been accused of making victims more vulnerable and\u00a0providing immunity to perpetrators, leading to a perception of judges being more corrupt than political party leaders due to a lack of oversight on judges’ assets.\u00a0Judges are also alleged to share a portion of their\u00a0illicit\u00a0earnings\u00a0with the leaders who appointed them to their positions. Since corruption among judges is not investigated by authorities, some leaders have hidden their\u00a0illicit funds\u00a0with them.<\/p>\n

The CIAA has resolved cases involving minor corrupt officials,\u00a0but\u00a0cases involving leaders are still under review.\u00a0Concerns have been raised about political interference and questionable appointments after\u00a0a person with a pending case\u00a0was appointed\u00a0as the head of the CIAA, followed by the burning of the CIAA building. These actions have\u00a0eroded public trust in the system. The prevalence of corruption\u00a0in the judiciary and other institutions\u00a0underscores the urgent need for transparency and accountability in Nepal’s governance system.<\/p>\n

If PM Oli had resigned\u00a0on the\u00a0first day of the Gen Z movement,\u00a0the\u00a0violence, vandalism, looting, and arson\u00a0that occurred on September 9th\u00a0could have been avoided.\u00a0Protesters attacked\u00a0police posts, seized\u00a0guns, and set\u00a0key government buildings on fire, including the Prime Minister’s office at Singha Durbar, the Federal Parliament Building, the Supreme Court, and the President’s\u00a0Office, all of\u00a0which\u00a0have been turned to ashes. Currently, in Nepal, the executive branch is low-functioning,\u00a0the courts are non-operational, and the parliament\u00a0has been\u00a0dismissed, with\u00a0fresh elections\u00a0scheduled for\u00a0March 5, 2026.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0octogenarian\u00a0Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been elected as prime minister five times, and his wife, Dr. Aruju Deuba, the outgoing foreign minister, were severely injured\u00a0by vandalism and beating. Their house\u00a0was\u00a0burned down, resulting in the\u00a0loss\u00a0of hundreds of thousands of Nepalese rupees. They are currently\u00a0receiving treatment at\u00a0Shivapuri Hospital. The president fled to his residence, which was also set on fire.<\/p>\n

The situation in Nepal is dire,\u00a0with\u00a0chaos and violence\u00a0erupting, targeting\u00a0the homes of prominent political figures. The former president’s and vice president’s\u00a0residences\u00a0were also\u00a0set\u00a0ablaze. Houses belonging to members of the Nepali Congress, UML, and Maoist parties\u00a0were targeted. The\u00a0violence spread to\u00a0municipalities across the country, disrupting transportation, closing shops and banks, and shutting down government offices.<\/p>\n

In this revolution, 75 people have been killed and 2,500 injured, with another 200\u00a0undergoing treatment in 32 hospitals.\u00a0This marks the first time in history that so many people have been killed in such a short period. During the 104-year Rana regime,\u00a0a dozen\u00a0people were killed, while one and a half dozen died\u00a0in the first people’s movement in 1990 and two dozen in the republican movement.<\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/h2>\n

The younger generation, who are\u00a0typically reliant\u00a0on their parents\u00a0for education and guidance, have\u00a0shown little interest in Nepalese politics. However, they have embraced the fight against\u00a0corruption as a central message to position themselves as political reformers and activists. Despite widespread corruption in the country, the older generation has failed to address the issue on a national scale. The youth have\u00a0criticized their elders’ complacency\u00a0as a significant concern, both nationally and internationally. This shift indicates that\u00a0Generation\u00a0Z\u00a0is now\u00a0leading\u00a0the\u00a0fight against corruption, rather than political party leaders\u00a0from\u00a0generations X and Y.<\/p>\n

Many young Nepalese are seeking opportunities in Gulf countries to work and send remittances back home. However,\u00a0Nepalese leaders\u00a0appear\u00a0more focused on sending youth abroad rather than addressing their\u00a0domestic\u00a0issues. There is a concern that if the youth remain in Nepal, they may challenge the leaders’\u00a0anarchical and\u00a0chaotic behaviors. Unfortunately, these young individuals are unable to vote in elections from abroad.<\/p>\n

Although the goal of the Gen Z Movement was to create a corruption-free society, we watched in despair as Nepal’s\u00a0centuries of heritage and historical identity continued to go up in flames due to the infiltration of criminal political party activists. Not only were we unable to prevent the destruction of this historical heritage, but our consciousness was also deeply shaken by the criminal mindset at play.<\/p>\n

The Gen Z movement in Nepal aimed to change the government system to improve the living conditions of the people. Gen Z strove to break the cycle of\u00a0the rich\u00a0getting richer and the poor getting poorer, seeking social justice and equality to establish\u00a0a free and fair egalitarian society. Lasting only 48 hours on September 8th and 9th, it became the shortest revolutionary movement in world history, making it the fastest and most significant Gen Z revolution in Nepal. Gen Z\u2019s objectives included ensuring that taxes paid by the poor were used\u00a0appropriately, preventing\u00a0leaders’ children\u00a0from traveling abroad for leisure, and stopping leaders from using tax funds\u00a0for personal gains.<\/p>\n

The level of corruption\u00a0varies\u00a0in poor, developed,\u00a0and\u00a0developing countries.\u00a0In the case of Nepal, it is inaccurate to attribute the social media ban solely to the Gen Z movement. International media\u00a0is\u00a0distorting\u00a0Nepal’s history to prevent a\u00a0Gen Z or similar\u00a0movement\u00a0in their\u00a0own\u00a0country. The\u00a0primary\u00a0issue\u00a0is corruption, with the\u00a0social media ban\u00a0being a secondary concern.<\/p>\n

Many scholars\u00a0are\u00a0researching\u00a0and writing\u00a0dissertations on Gen Z.\u00a0Sabal Gautam and Purushottam Yadav have submitted a request letter to\u00a0the Chief District Office of Kathmandu to organize a corruption-free society program. They are asking for the program to be\u00a0conducted in an orderly and dignified manner,\u00a0with\u00a0necessary arrangements\u00a0made for peace and security during the anti-corruption program organized by the Independent Youth. They believe that the CDO office is\u00a0crucial\u00a0for\u00a0carrying\u00a0out their task in a peaceful environment.\u00a0The\u00a0program is scheduled for a one-day event on September 8, 2025.<\/p>\n

The infiltration of criminals sparked outrage among Gen Z.\u00a0On September 9, Gen Z took to the streets and by 10 a.m. had gained control all over Nepal. The\u00a0agitated Gen Z have become increasingly aggressive, throwing stones at the police, vandalizing the homes of leaders, and even setting\u00a0some on fire. This retaliation follows the deaths of their friends and injuries to 1,000 others the day before, which were likely a result of police\u00a0brutality.<\/p>\n

On September 9, 2025, the United Nations, the European Union, embassies in Nepal, and other international communities in Nepal\u00a0expressed deep sorrow over the loss of lives and\u00a0escalating violence\u00a0in\u00a0the country. The statement emphasized offering condolences to the affected families and urged peaceful protests. Authorities were urged to uphold human rights standards and investigate any excessive use of force. Dialogue was deemed crucial to address citizens’ concerns, especially those of young people. The UN expressed readiness to support\u00a0trust-building measures\u00a0for\u00a0a peaceful resolution\u00a0in\u00a0Nepal.<\/p>\n

During this critical time, it is\u00a0crucial for political leaders, civil society, the younger generation, and the international community to\u00a0prioritize\u00a0non-violent solutions and mediation to\u00a0prevent further\u00a0humanitarian suffering.\u00a0Encouraging\u00a0dialogue and the\u00a0formation\u00a0of an interim arrangement is\u00a0vital to bring stability to the country and\u00a0protect\u00a0its people, infrastructure, and public and private\u00a0institutions and properties.<\/p>\n

Nepal is currently facing a significant security and humanitarian crisis, and dialogue is necessary to prevent conflict. The Peace and Conflict Studies Center in Nepal\u00a0calls on\u00a0the international community to advocate\u00a0for both indirect and direct diplomacy, as well as informal and formal constructive discussions or dialogues for reconstruction in Nepal\u00a0involving all relevant parties. Dialogue begets more\u00a0dialogue and can aid Nepal in transforming or overcoming this great crisis. Nepal can no longer endure further violence, loss of life, and suffering.<\/p>\n

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  18. Twenge, Jean M. (2013). \u201cThe Evidence for Generation Me and Against Generation We\u201d. Sage Journals<\/em>. Volume 1. No. 1. org\/10.1177\/21676968124665<\/li>\n
  19. What do you think of SELFOLOGY? What does it mean to you?<\/em> Online available at https:\/\/www.quora.com\/What-do-you-think-of-SELFOLOGY-What-does-it-mean-to-you<\/a>.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    _______________________________________________<\/em><\/p>\n

    \"\"<\/a> Prof. Bishnu Pathak was a former Senior Commissioner at the Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP), Nepal who has been a Noble Peace prize nominee 2013-2019 for his noble finding of Peace-Conflict Lifecycle similar to the ecosystem. A Board Member of the <\/em>TRANSCEND Peace University<\/em><\/a><\/u> holds a Ph.D. in interdisciplinary Conflict Transformation and Human Rights in two decades. Arduous Dr. Pathak who is an author of over 100 international paper-book publications has been used as references in more than 100 countries across the globe. Immense versatile personality Dr. Pathak\u2019s publications belong to Human Rights, Human Security, Peace, Conflict Transformation, and Transitional Justices among others. He can be reached at ciedpnp@gmail.com<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    21 Sep 2025\u00a0– This essay is based on personal experience and participant observation. The study aims to describe and analyze how the movement on 8 Sep 2025 transformed into a revolution the following day.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":115421,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[40],"tags":[94,1778,2754,1458,444,1243,171,2423],"class_list":["post-303584","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-transcend-members","tag-central-asia","tag-conflict-analysis","tag-direct-action","tag-nepal","tag-nonviolence","tag-nonviolent-action","tag-revolution","tag-youth"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/303584","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=303584"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/303584\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":303590,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/303584\/revisions\/303590"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/115421"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=303584"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=303584"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=303584"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}