{"id":303716,"date":"2025-09-29T12:01:59","date_gmt":"2025-09-29T11:01:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=303716"},"modified":"2025-09-24T10:14:14","modified_gmt":"2025-09-24T09:14:14","slug":"assessing-israels-attack-on-hamas-negotiating-team-in-doha-defying-law-morality-and-prudence","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2025\/09\/assessing-israels-attack-on-hamas-negotiating-team-in-doha-defying-law-morality-and-prudence\/","title":{"rendered":"Assessing Israel\u2019s Attack on Hamas Negotiating Team in Doha: Defying Law, Morality, and Prudence"},"content":{"rendered":"

Interview by Daniel Falcone on the 8 Sep Israeli attack on Hamas negotiating team in Doha, ending diplomatic effort, at least temporarily, to reach agreement on a US proposed\/allegedly Israel approved ceasefire\/hostage exchange arrangements. A disturbing development from many points of view, including the role of secure diplomatic settings for conflict resolution war-averting efforts.<\/em><\/p>\n

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Israel\u2019s Qatar Strike Undermines Sovereignty and International Law<\/strong><\/h3>\n

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23 Sep 2025 – <\/em>In the aftermath of this Israel-Qatar attack that seemed at first to threaten the Western interests in the Middle East, is a strange combination of verbal denunciation of Israeli violation of Qatari sovereignty with a political status quo in play.<\/p>\n

Israel\u2019s brazen<\/a>\u00a0September 8 missile\u00a0strike<\/a>\u00a0on Doha in targeting senior Hamas negotiators has sent reactions all throughout the region, threatening to disrupt US brokered ceasefire talks. Further, it brought questions about Israel\u2019s strategy and intent as well as their government\u2019s disregard for global norms. Coming amid delicate diplomacy and on the soil of a key U.S. ally, the attack challenges assumptions about core-peripheral power, and underlines the ever-changing politics of the Middle East. In the Q\/A that follows,\u00a0Daniel Falcone<\/a>\u00a0interviews\u00a0Richard Falk<\/a>\u00a0for insight into the consequences of this act and what it reveals about Israel\u2019s objectives.<\/p>\n

Daniel Falcone:<\/strong>\u00a0Can you explain the incredible action of\u00a0Israel in bombing Qatar<\/a>? Why should we be surprised? Why shouldn\u2019t we?<\/p>\n

Richard Falk:<\/strong>\u00a0At this stage an explanation seems premature, although not for media pundits. At best, we can venture speculations, but the complexities of the situation should encourage humility of interpretation. It would be na\u00efve to give much weight to the words of top officials that issue from either Tel Aviv or Washington. Of course, the media stress so far is in three salient facets of the undertaking:<\/p>\n

(1) Israel\u2019s display of audacity in launching a\u00a0missile<\/a>\u00a0against high value human targets in the capital of\u00a0Qatar<\/a>, location of the largest US military base in the region and the site of\u00a0negotiations<\/a>\u00a0between Israel and Hamas.<\/p>\n

(2) the unrelenting demonization of\u00a0Hamas<\/a>\u00a0as a terrorist entity that deserves neither the protection of law and morality nor reactions of human sympathy for the loss of dedicated lives; and \u2026<\/p>\n

(3) the tightrope act of Donald Trump who combines his public disapproval of Israel for carrying out this military operation supposedly without a prior notification to the White House while reiterating his solidarity with Israel so far as destroying Hamas.<\/p>\n

Obviously, Trump sheds no tears for the victims of the attack, nor is he incensed by Israel\u2019s disregard of\u00a0international<\/a>\u00a0law and morality at a time when it seemed an American ceasefire diplomacy proposal was on the brink of success. What Trump knew and said privately Netanyahu is high on the list of uncertainties.<\/p>\n

From Israel\u2019s perspective such a gathering of top Hamas leaders in\u00a0Doha<\/a>\u00a0can be simply regarded as a target too tempting to forego, especially given their information about the location of their place of residence. If these top Hamas leaders had been assassinated, rather than apparently managing to avoid the missile\u00a0strike<\/a>, it would have allowed the Netanyahu government to claim a victory in relation to their post-October 7 commitment to exterminate Hamas for the attack, and diminished outrage at attacking an adversary negotiating team.<\/p>\n

From a second perspective, the timing as well as the location of the attack is rather mystifying. These Hamas leaders were functioning as a negotiating team meeting in one place to prepare a unified response to the US proposal, unreliably reported as already accepted by Israel, to establish both a ceasefire and the return of the surviving \u2018hostages<\/a>\u2019 in a prisoner exchange. Why would Israel undermine such a proposal by this sort of disruptive behavior when it had just days previously agreed to the negotiated solution, risking not only negative reactions throughout the region and beyond, but also, and more significantly, raising doubts about US unconditional support.<\/p>\n

Although a US shift away from its long-term posture on Israel\/Palestine remains a remote possibility, which cannot be totally ruled out given Trump\u2019s style of egocentric and erratic leadership that is certainly capable of taking personal offense at Netanyahu\u2019s subversion of Trump\u2019s diplomatic initiative. Such a conjecture presupposes that Trump is being uncharacteristically truthful when finding himself betrayed by Israel, a country thought too dependent on the US to pull off such a diplomatic tactic. The alternative is that Trump is so beholden to Netanyahu that he conspired with him to project the image of diplomacy when the real plan was a counter-terrorist ploy to\u00a0lure the Hamas leaders to Doha<\/a>\u00a0as a group, thinking they were going to put the finishing touches on a breakthrough agreement that will end the Gaza ordeal.<\/p>\n

Yet from another perspective, apparently not yet discussed, but likely influential, is either Netanyahu or cabinet hardliners such as Ben-Gvir, Smotrich, and Katz, opposed a\u00a0ceasefire<\/a>\u00a0at this time before the Gaza City ground operation was completed or missing the opportunity to decapitate the surviving Hamas leadership, and made their political weight felt with Netanyahu as had happened previously. These Zionist extremists have seemed determined to seize the moment since\u00a0October 7<\/a>\u00a0to fulfill Israel endgame ambitions relating to land and people.<\/p>\n

Recalling the early Zionist pre-Nazi whimsical airbrushing of the residents of Palestine by falsely contending that it was replacing \u2018a people without land for a land without people<\/a>,\u2019 while just an ironic quip, can be retroactively interpreted as a start down a long path of Palestinian dehumanization and erasure in the 1920s if not before. What now defines the Zionist Project is to acquire for Israel as much land of Ottoman Palestine as possible with as few Palestinians living on it as feasible. Those Palestinians with the resolve to remain face the ensured prospect of suffering as a victimized, super-resilient minority in an Israeli apartheid state.<\/p>\n

As with the timing of Iran\u2019s \u201812 Day Iran War<\/a>,\u2019 June 13-24, 2025, as partly reflecting Israel\u2019s successful effort to deflect attention from its increasingly condemned Gaza policies, the Doha timing may have partly been motivated by the hope of deflecting attention once again. These lines of interpretation are highly conjectural, difficult to either confirm or dismiss. This complexity is aggravated by the tendency of the main parties to the conflict to use public discourse as a propaganda tool rather than as truthful disclosures of national policies. Against this background and timing of the Doha attack it is plausible, if controversial, to argue that it should be regarded as another example of Israel strategy of deflection, shifting the focus away from Israel\u2019s plan to demolish Gaza City or to divert the attention from the fate of the hostages or to show the world and prove to itself that Israel is able and willing to act without waiting for a green light from Washington.<\/p>\n

Along these lines,\u00a0some analysts now fear a second attack on Iran<\/a>\u00a0in coming weeks as Israel once more finds itself in a position where facing a rising tide of criticism and hostile pushback that it might once again possibly act to deflect attention from what now appears a provocative failure of the\u00a0Qatar<\/a>\u00a0mission because the Hamas leadership somehow survived the missile attack. Whether Iran would act again so moderately in response seems doubtful, raising threats of a deadly regional war with strong escalation dangers and serious policy challenges to US foreign policy, whether as shaped by the White House or deep state.<\/p>\n

Daniel Falcone:<\/strong>\u00a0What is the end game for\u00a0Israel<\/a>? It looks like in the short-term negotiators are worth more dead than alive.\u00a0Are there other motivations other than power?<\/p>\n

Richard Falk:<\/strong>\u00a0I think your question, with due account given to uncertainties and shifting priorities, points to the reality that Israel seems primarily concerned with establishing a one-state solution in all or most of\u00a0Ottoman Palestine<\/a>, administered in quasi-colonial fashion by the UK in the aftermath of World War I. As I have earlier observed, attaining this goal must be preceded by a Palestinian political surrender or better yet, the physical erasure of any significant Palestinian presence. Israel could partially reach such a goal diplomatically or even by the imposition of an extreme form of apartheid making life so unbearable for the Palestinians that many would soon leave if a refugee sanctuary was found, if for no other reason than to assure family survival, especially for children.<\/p>\n

The post-October 7 genocide, as underscored by accelerated\u00a0settlement expansion in the West Bank<\/a>, should end any beliefs that Israel is at all interested in a diplomatic compromise taking the form of a two-state solution, even if the designated Palestinian negotiators (the Palestinian Authority) seem willing to settle for a ghost state, which more resolute Palestinians insist would be no better than a renewal of \u2018breadcrumb diplomacy<\/a>.\u2019 On further consideration it may turn out that the fragile Netanyahu coalition was unwilling to go along with the current ceasefire diplomacy because it viewed it as a trap that would block a full realization of the Zionist Project.<\/p>\n

Considering such priorities, Israel needed to go to the blood-soaked end of its Gaza policy if it was to achieve its primary goals relating to the victorious end of the settler colonial undertaking.\u00a0Netanyahu<\/a>\u00a0either shared this line of thinking in whole or part or accepted it as to avoid the collapse of his fragile coalition that might still lead to his facing long delayed charges of fraud and disgrace within Israel.<\/p>\n

Of secondary importance was to extend the orbit of lawlessness by coercively removing present or near future threats within the Middle East to Israel\u2019s\u00a0security and hegemonic partnership<\/a>\u00a0with the US. This line of analysis best explains Israel\u2019s recent multiple regional aggressions against Iran, Syria, and Lebanon. These military operations have been conducted with the alleged purpose of ensuring that unstable regional actors do not in the future become adversaries, which leads to the preemptive destruction of existing military capabilities with implied threats of future military operations should conditions change. Israel, despite possessing the only arsenal of nuclear weapons in the region, remains insecure, at least if security is assessed in defensive terms. More accurately perceived, Israel\u2019s awesome\u00a0deterrent capability<\/a>\u00a0in its regional neighborhood is conceived of offensively as well as preemptively as to avoid the rise of any regional power that might have a political disposition to challenge\u00a0Israel\u2019s hegemony<\/a>\u00a0or partnership with the US in managing the geopolitics of the Middle East. Whether an extra-regional challenge focused on economic penetration and energy politics is posed by China acting alone or with Russia, or in concert with a coalition of the willing in the Global South is still an over-the-horizon nightmare for the West.<\/p>\n

Israel\u2019s plans are most likely to be upset, if at all, from within as the status of pariah state sinks into the political consciousness of nations, the\u00a0region<\/a>, and the world prompting pressures from without and a pragmatic recalculation by elites within. This kind of dynamic led to profound shifts in the recalculation of the interests (although not the values) of South African apartheid elites in the 1990s producing an enduring embedding of constitutional democracy that were not even hinted at until given tangible expression until unexpectedly acted upon by the Afrikaner leadership.<\/p>\n

Netanyahu\u2019s unexpected remarks implicitly acknowledging Israel\u2019s pariah or rogue status are an indication that international disapproval is now having major negative impacts. Recently Netanyahu confessed that \u201c[We] will have to get used to an economy with autarchic features.<\/a>\u201d As well as declaring \u201c[We\u2019ll] have to be both Athens and Sparta, developing the capabilities to cope on our own.\u201d Even a month ago such statements acknowledging Israel political and economic\u00a0isolation<\/a>\u00a0could hardly be imagined as being uttered by such a combative and self-congratulating political leader as Netanyahu.<\/p>\n

Daniel Falcone:<\/strong>\u00a0Often Israel and the US are discussed as core regions whereas places like Qatar or even\u00a0Sudan<\/a>\u00a0are considered peripheral. Does this event put this misconception on display in your estimation? Nothing looks peripheral when it comes to Israel.<\/p>\n

Richard Falk:<\/strong>\u00a0It is a tantalizing challenge to divide the states of the world up into those that are core and those that are on the periphery. Each historical era gave rise to its own distinctive patterns. World War II produced one pattern, the Cold War another, decolonization another and now the world is on the cusp of another rearrangement of\u00a0core\/periphery<\/a>\u00a0relations. The distinction between global geopolitical actors (currently US,\u00a0China<\/a>, Russia) and other states is another way of mapping the new world order emerging in tandem with the Ukraine War and the Gaza Genocide.<\/p>\n

In a narrow sense, both Israel and\u00a0Qatar<\/a>\u00a0were playing core roles in recent decades. Israel as a regional hegemon with questionable credentials as a\u00a0sovereign<\/a>\u00a0state, although gaining\u00a0legitimacy<\/a>\u00a0through its technological acumen and its skills as arms supplier and battlefield innovator. Whether it will retain its core regional geopolitical role despite perpetrating a transparent genocide viewed in real time is a major uncertainty, likely greatly affected by whether anti-pariah state pressures are exerted in a sustained and effective manner to ensure cooperative relations with the Arab states,\u00a0Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and the Arab League<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Although I suspect many would disagree, I believe Qatar\u2019s core is rather stable, especially if it is assumed that the September 9 Doha\u00a0attack<\/a>\u00a0was a one-off incident. To a surprising extent\u00a0Qatar<\/a>\u00a0has become like Switzerland for diplomacy among adversaries, reflective of the power-shift from Europe following the collapse of French and British\u00a0colonialism<\/a>. This de-westernizing phenomenon has not received the commentary it deserves. This world order realignment of neutral diplomatic sites exhibits more responsiveness to historical circumstances than has the UN with obvious disappointing consequences for multilateral approaches to global problem-solving.<\/p>\n

Daniel Falcone:<\/strong>\u00a0Mouin Rabbani<\/a>\u00a0recently discussed the USS Liberty and the Israeli attack on America. Considering this alleged mishap, could we ever witness Israel attacking its allies in your view?<\/p>\n

Richard Falk:<\/strong>\u00a0The\u00a0Israeli attack on the USS Liberty<\/a>\u00a0during the Six Day War on June 8, 1967, killing 34 naval crew members, injuring an additional 171, severely damaging the ship. Objective scholarly treatments have long concluded beyond a reasonable doubt that the Liberty incident was not \u2018a mishap\u2019 but rather a deliberate attempt by Israel to prevent US surveillance of its military operations that conflicted with its public assertions. [For a persuasive account see\u00a0Joan Mellen,\u00a0Blood in the Water: How the US and Israel Ambush to USS Liberty<\/em><\/a>\u00a0(Prometheus, 2018)].<\/p>\n

It is notable that the US Government chose to accept the Israeli apology and went along with a coverup narrative, despite the damning evidence that it was a deliberate and lethal attack on an American warship. This dynamic has been persuasively analyzed in Mellon\u2019s book and to this day the US coverup is deplored by Liberty survivors. It is a revealing taint on the willingness of the US Government to throw the wellbeing, even the lives, of members of its own armed forces under the bus of diplomatic expediency.<\/p>\n

Where Israel\u2019s strategic interests are involved, however extreme, lawless, and inhumane, there is little doubt that the present and many of its past leaders would not hesitate to repeat the\u00a0USS Liberty<\/a>\u00a0disaster\/tragedy if the strategic stakes were high enough. More than almost any state, Israel\u2019s allies, including the US, are not beyond suspicion, attitudes acutely inflated by security paranoia that falsely views latent antisemitism as a universal phenomenon. I entertain the wish, however slim, that Israel is capable of internally transforming its identity in ways that confer future legitimacy and achieve a\u00a0stable<\/a>\u00a0normalcy. For this transformative scenario to have any reasonable chance of reshaping the future presupposes mounting international pressure.<\/p>\n

Even so, if Israel were to shed its Zionist ideology of Jewish exceptionalism, such developments would be a spectacular instance of the politics of impossibility. Its enactment would help ensure peace and justice, but it has no chance of happening unless the world finally musters the will to impose strong economic sanctions on Israel, as reinforced by civil society activism that mobilizes support for cultural and sporting boycotts, demands an armed protective force under UN auspices, and urges suspension of Israel\u2019s participation in the\u00a0UN<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The politics of impossibility\u00a0walks a tightrope<\/a>\u00a0between wishful thinking and such unlikely transformative events as the South African abandonment of apartheid, the Soviet collapse, and China\u2019s remarkable\u00a0developmental ascendancy<\/a>\u00a0coupled with unprecedented rates of poverty reduction. Negative events are also possible as with the signs of an American abandonment of democracy and embrace of\u00a0fascistic styles of governance<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Daniel Falcone:<\/strong>\u00a0Has the visit to Israel and Qatar by the American Secretary of State, Marco\u00a0Rubio<\/a>, altered your understanding of the US engagement with recent developments, especially the attack on the Hamas leadership in Doha?<\/p>\n

Richard Falk:<\/strong>\u00a0The\u00a0Rubio<\/a>\u00a0visit did underscore some vital points in addition to reassuring Israel of US continuing support and Qatar, as well as the Gulf countries, of unwavering security commitments. Rubio tried hard to show that the US was still backing Israel all the way while also promising to be a trusted protector of Arab governments should they face their own security threats. His underlying expression of this dual relationship seemed to rest on the demonization of Hamas, calling this center of Palestinian resistance \u201cagents of barbarism<\/a>\u201d and insisting that \u201c[As] long as they\u2019re around there will be no peace in this region.<\/a>\u201d<\/p>\n

As Ariel Hayon insisted in an article, \u201cDangerous Prophecy,\u201d when the microphones are off, every European and Arab leader knows that Hamas\u2019s clones pose a threat to them just as much as this terror organization poses a threat to us. [Published online<\/a>, September 16, 2025,\u00a0S. Daniel Abraham, Center of Middle East<\/a>, News Update.] Hayon, like Rubio, is trying to overcome the divisiveness of the Arab\/Islamic Emergency Summit in Doha following the attack by stressing the common supreme interests of both Israel and the Islamic world (or at least of the governing regimes) in counterterrorism, otherwise viewed as popular\u00a0resistance<\/a>.<\/p>\n

In the aftermath of this Israel-Qatar attack that seemed at first to threaten the Western interests in the Middle East, is a strange combination of verbal denunciation of Israeli\u00a0violation<\/a>\u00a0of Qatari\u00a0sovereignty<\/a>\u00a0with a political status quo in play. On the outside, but not to be discounted, are a series of civil society campaigns and solidarity initiatives that are reacting to the cruelties and injustices of the ongoing genocide. The release at this time of the report of the UN Commission of Inquiry that confirms by evidence and analysis allegations of Israeli genocide in Gaza is another facet of the overall situation.<\/p>\n

This interplay will be tested by the way states participate in the forthcoming General Assembly session devoted to celebrating the\u00a080th<\/sup>\u00a0anniversary of the UN<\/a>.<\/p>\n

__________________________________________<\/em><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>Prof. Richard Falk is a member of the <\/em>TRANSCEND Network<\/em><\/strong><\/a>, <\/em>TRANSCEND Media Service<\/em><\/a> Editorial Committee Member, Albert G. Milbank Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University, Chair of Global Law, Faculty of Law, at Queen Mary University London, Research Associate the Orfalea Center of Global Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and Fellow of the Tellus Institute. He directed the project on Global Climate Change, Human Security, and Democracy at UCSB and formerly served as director the North American group in the World Order Models Project. He also is a member of the editorial board of the magazine <\/em>The Nation. Between 2008 and 2014, Falk served as UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Occupied Palestine. His book,\u00a0<\/em>(Re)Imagining Humane Global Governance\u00a0(2014), proposes a value-oriented assessment of world order and future trends. His most recent books are\u00a0<\/em>Power Shift\u00a0(2016);\u00a0<\/em>Revisiting the Vietnam War\u00a0(2017);\u00a0<\/em>On Nuclear Weapons: Denuclearization, Demilitarization and Disarmament\u00a0(2019); and\u00a0<\/em>On Public Imagination: A Political & Ethical Imperative, ed. with Victor Faessel & Michael Curtin (2019).\u00a0He\u00a0is the author or coauthor of other books, including\u00a0<\/em>Religion and Humane Global Governance\u00a0(2001),\u00a0<\/em>Explorations at the Edge of Time\u00a0(1993),\u00a0<\/em>Revolutionaries and Functionaries\u00a0(1988),\u00a0<\/em>The Promise of World Order\u00a0(1988),\u00a0<\/em>Indefensible Weapons (with Robert Jay Lifton, 1983),\u00a0<\/em>A Study of Future Worlds\u00a0(1975), and\u00a0<\/em>This Endangered Planet\u00a0(1972).\u00a0His memoir,\u00a0<\/em>Public Intellectual: The Life of a Citizen Pilgrim\u00a0was published in March 2021 and received an award from Global Policy Institute at Loyala Marymount University as \u2018the best book of 2021.<\/strong>\u2019 He has been nominated frequently for the Nobel Peace Prize since 2009.<\/em><\/p>\n

Go to Original \u2013 richardfalk.org<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

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7 2 9: BOYCOTT FOR HUMAN JUSTICE!<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

23 Sep 2025 – Israel\u2019s Qatar Strike Undermines Sovereignty and International Law – In the aftermath of this Israel-Qatar attack that seemed at first to threaten the Western interests in the Middle East, is a strange combination of verbal denunciation of Israeli violation of Qatari sovereignty with a political status quo in play.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":238099,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[40],"tags":[417,2746,87,865,1029,629,88,427,1801,779,880],"class_list":["post-303716","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-transcend-members","tag-bullying","tag-doha","tag-gaza","tag-genocide","tag-hamas","tag-international-law","tag-israel","tag-palestine","tag-qatar","tag-sovereignty","tag-state-terrorism"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/303716","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=303716"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/303716\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":303717,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/303716\/revisions\/303717"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/238099"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=303716"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=303716"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=303716"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}