{"id":309874,"date":"2025-12-15T12:00:44","date_gmt":"2025-12-15T12:00:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=309874"},"modified":"2025-12-14T00:07:50","modified_gmt":"2025-12-14T00:07:50","slug":"theory-of-the-gen-z-nonviolent-uprising-in-nepal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2025\/12\/theory-of-the-gen-z-nonviolent-uprising-in-nepal\/","title":{"rendered":"Theory of the Gen Z Nonviolent Uprising in Nepal"},"content":{"rendered":"

Abstract<\/strong><\/h2>\n

15 Dec 2025 –\u00a0Generation Z represents a powerful, dynamic, and tech-savvy cohort driving global change. Innovative, creative, and energetic, these youths are united by their commitment to authenticity, transparency, and accountability. In this theoretical study, Gen Z in Nepal is imagined to have initiated a non-violent anti-corruption movement on September 8, 2025. The government\u2019s violent response, resulting in the deaths of 22 young individuals, catalyzed a nationwide revolution that dismantled corrupt and authoritarian structures. Prime Minister K. P. Oli\u2019s resignation at 1:30 pm on September 9 marked a turning point, as protesters assumed control across the country.<\/em><\/p>\n

In this scenario, the Nepal Police and Armed Police Force retreat from the streets, allowing protesters to take control nationwide. The uprising leads to 54 more deaths (including three policemen), 2,500 injuries, and extensive destruction: 688 government offices, 259 private residences, 128 business establishments, 198 party offices, 3,000 vehicles, and 486 police stations. This destruction symbolically erases a significant portion of Nepal\u2019s institutional memory and historical records.<\/em><\/p>\n

Students from marginalized, lower-class backgrounds outside the Kathmandu Valley bear disproportionate sacrifices, suffering higher rates of bullet injuries and violence. Their participation highlights the intersection of class, geography, and vulnerability in mass movements.<\/em><\/p>\n

At the onset of the uprising, the Nepali Army withdrew security from key government buildings, including the President\u2019s Office and Singha Durbar. By the time the army announced mobilization at 10 pm, Nepal was already engulfed in turmoil. On September 12, following Army mediation and recommendations from Gen Z leaders, the president appointed jurist Sushila Karki as interim prime minister. Elections were scheduled for March 5, 2026, marking a shift toward a citizen-centric government.<\/em><\/p>\n

Despite this transition, Gen Z\u2019s primary demand\u2014a full investigation into government assets and appointments since 1990, alongside a systemic fight against corruption\u2014remained unresolved. This gap between symbolic change and substantive reform fueled ongoing uncertainty.<\/em><\/p>\n

Both major parties, UML and Nepali Congress, attempt to restore parliament through legal challenges and mobilization in the streets, signaling a struggle between institutional legitimacy and popular sovereignty, but smaller parties position themselves for upcoming elections, hoping to capitalize on the transitional moment. Gen Z, once unified in its anti-corruption stance, is now increasingly fragmented along political lines, reflecting the difficulty of sustaining cohesion after initial revolutionary momentum.<\/em><\/p>\n

The Dalai Lama praises interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki and appeals for assistance to Tibetan refugees, introducing a humanitarian and spiritual dimension to the crisis. China monitors developments closely to ensure Nepal\u2019s adherence to the one-China policy, wary of any precedent that could embolden Tibetan autonomy. Foreign diplomats\u2019 express uncertainty, with some ambassadors appointed under the Oli government withdrawn, highlighting the fragility of Nepal\u2019s diplomatic standing during the transition.<\/em><\/p>\n

This paper examines potential developments through various theoretical lenses: <\/em>securitization theory, internationalist theory, force theory, sensationalist theory, functionalist theory, and exterritoriality <\/em><\/strong>theory<\/strong>.<\/strong> The public remains concerned that this transitional period could spiral into chaos if the Supreme Court dismisses the citizens\u2019 government. Grounded in the principle of <\/em>\u201cI know that I do not know\u201d – <\/em>a recognition of the limits of knowledge – the study positions itself as an ongoing reflection rather than a definitive account. By embracing this humility, it acknowledges the evolving nature of youth-led non-violent movements and their transformative potential not only in Nepal but across the globe.<\/em><\/p>\n

Introduction<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Generation Z, aged 14-28, is\u00a0more than\u00a0just an age group; they are a\u00a0powerful force for change. They embody\u00a0authenticity, transparency, and accountability,\u00a0values that\u00a0fuel\u00a0their\u00a0enthusiasm\u00a0and drive to\u00a0create a positive impact on their\u00a0families, communities, society, the\u00a0nation, and the world. This\u00a0savvy generation is\u00a0globally interconnected and embraces the ever-changing landscape through their innovations. Gen Z has the\u00a0ability to turn\u00a0their beliefs\u00a0into\u00a0concrete actions, bypassing lengthy\u00a0transformation processes. Gen Z is a creative, energetic, and dynamic youth to young individuals worldwide. Their passion for social justice and environmental sustainability is driving meaningful change in society. Gen Z’s influence is undeniable, and their impact will\u00a0continue to shape the future for years to come.<\/p>\n

Despite the\u00a0significant\u00a0contributions of Nepal and Nepali society\u00a0in the disciplines of\u00a0education, research, and\u00a0work that have brought honor and respect to the country on a global scale, individuals are often judged and valued based on their financial\u00a0success. Financial success is measured by wealth, houses, cars, land, and other visible assets in society. This societal perception\u00a0often\u00a0leads to\u00a0negative labels such as\u00a0“cowardice” and “incompetence”\u00a0for those who do not earn money\u00a0through questionable means such as\u00a0brokerages, commissions, thugs,\u00a0fraud, and\u00a0running private\u00a0institutions, including boarding schools and hospitals. This is simply a reality in Nepal.<\/p>\n

Gen Z was waiting for the right time. They were growing angry inside at the way society viewed their honest, gentle, and straightforward parents. They were waiting for the right moment to launch an anti-corruption campaign, which was witnessed across the country on September 8 and 9, 2025.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0War Operations Department\u00a0of the Nepali Army\u00a0reported that 22 out of 76 protesters died during the Gen Z Uprising on September 8 and 9. The army\u00a0disclosed this information at a press conference on October 17, 2025. Lieutenant General Anup Jung Thapa stated that the deceased included 3 policemen, 10 prisoners, and 41 others. Angry mobs and vested interest organized\u00a0groups, both\u00a0domestic and foreign, set fire to 688 government offices, 259 private residences, 128 business establishments, and 198 party offices. Over\u00a03,000 vehicles\u00a0were burned, and 486 police\u00a0stations were destroyed, erasing Nepal’s historical records. Furthermore, the army\u00a0mentioned that 723 weapons out of 1200 have been recovered till the end of November 2025 (www.ratopati.com\/story\/518678\/army-report-22-protesters-killed-in-genji-uprising<\/a>, Post Report, November 28, 2025, & Republica, November 13, 2025).<\/p>\n

The Ministry of Health and Population\u00a0reported that 2,316\u00a0people\u00a0sought treatment for\u00a0injuries sustained during the Gen Z protests. Out of these, 2,286 have been discharged after treatment, while 30 are still undergoing treatment as of October 14, 2025. The Department of Prison Management\u00a0has reported that\u00a0out of 29,224 prisoners and detainees across the country, 14,554
\n67 percent have been brought back. The department is actively\u00a0searching\u00a0for the\u00a0remaining 4,857 fugitives (Post Report, November 28, 2025). Additionally, three people have died in Ramechhap Prison and two in Dhading Prison during\u00a0clashes and police firing\u00a0related\u00a0to escape\u00a0attempts (https:\/\/janaaastha.com\/story\/171671<\/a>). Preliminary data has been made public that 1,042 vehicles and 688 buildings belonging to government offices in Nepal were set on fire during the Gen Z uprising (https:\/\/onlinepatrika.com\/content\/41658).<\/p>\n

In response to this, Generation Z has made a clear\u00a0demand for a corruption-free Nepal. The youth have shown their\u00a0honest dedication\u00a0to this cause through sacrifices, injuries, and\u00a0even\u00a0the burning of public buildings. This non-violent uprising, led by Generation Z without a designated leader, successfully ousted\u00a0the nearly two-thirds majority government of Nepal,\u00a0led by Prime Minister K. P. Oli of the CPN (UML) party\u00a0in\u00a0coalition\u00a0with the\u00a0Nepali Congress.<\/p>\n

The coalition government was toppled in a swift 38-hour period starting on September 8th at 9:00 am and culminating in\u00a0a revolution at 10:00 pm on September 9, 2025. This\u00a0event\u00a0marked the end\u00a0of a long\u00a0era\u00a0of elected authoritarianism, betrayal, and corruption in Nepal,\u00a0prompting citizens\u00a0of\u00a0all\u00a0generations\u00a0to\u00a0come together\u00a0in support\u00a0of the\u00a0younger generation.<\/p>\n

In her first address to the Council of Ministers on September 14, 2025, the new interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki, who\u00a0had\u00a0gained popularity among Gen Z for her strong stance against corruption and support for the poor, emphasized that she did not seek power for personal gain. She stated that she was called upon by the people to lead and address the demands of\u00a0Gen Z\u00a0for a\u00a0corruption-free Nepal. After one month of\u00a0the\u00a0formation of\u00a0the\u00a0Karki-led government on October 11,\u00a0the\u00a0President and Prime Minister engaged in discussions with Gen Z leaders to address concerns about corruption and governance. Gen Z representatives emphasized the need for action against corruption and asset investigation, urging Prime Minister Karki to step down if the government fails to hold corrupt individuals accountable (Dulal, October 11, 2025).<\/p>\n

It is challenging to fully comprehend the depth of any nonviolent uprising leading to revolution within the Gen Z protests due to the complexity and interdependence of various factors. The very next day, this nonviolent movement rapidly transformed into an unprecedented revolution that significantly changed the course of history. Analyzing, investigating, and interpreting this phenomenon is no easy feat. Transforming the Gen Z non-violent movement to revolution into a theoretical framework is incredibly difficult.<\/p>\n

It is\u00a0important to recognize the possibility of\u00a0overlooking important details\u00a0when writing this state-of-the-art paper. The study is based on the principle of \u201cI know that I do not know\u201d or \u201cI am simply a student of this Gen Z uprising,\u201d which allows for continuous refinement for future studies. There has been widespread discussion that vested interest elements have infiltrated the Gen Z uprising, implying it was a planned conspiracy to destroy the country, waiting to be uncovered. This philosophical concept underscores the significance of intellectual truth, honesty, genuine wisdom, humility, generosity, and\u00a0understanding the limitations of one’s knowledge rather than arrogance.<\/p>\n

The general objective of the study is to analyze the Gen Z protest against corrupted leaders,\u00a0bureaucracies, technocracies, and others seated in position for a long time.\u00a0Specific objectives include investigating challenging and interdependent tasks in theoretical perspectives of\u00a0nonviolent\u00a0Gen Z non-violent\u00a0movement leading to revolution. The study also examines the role of the present government to fulfill the demands put forward by the Gen Z representatives. It further analyzes the impacts of Gen Z non-violent\u00a0 uprising and beyond in Nepal.<\/p>\n

The study methodology did not adhere to a specific method but instead relied on participant observation.\u00a0 The networking tracking method\u00a0was\u00a0used for data\u00a0collection, analysis, and interpretation. Information\u00a0was\u00a0gathered from\u00a0various sources, including social media, mainstream media, YouTube, television broadcasts, telephone conversations, and other sources. Relevant literature was also\u00a0utilized as study material.<\/p>\n

As a lifelong learner\u00a0dedicated to advancing peace and conflict studies, the author\u00a0emphasizes the philosophy of “I know that I do not know” and\u00a0encourages further research and contributions from scholars to promote Nepal\u2019s Gen Z non-violent\u00a0movement to revolution and their lessons learned. Thus, this theory is just the beginning.<\/p>\n

Securitization Theory, Internationalist Theory, Force Theory, Sensationalist Theory, Functionalist Theory, and\u00a0Exterritoriality\u00a0Theory are the key concepts that will be explored in\u00a0this\u00a0cutting-edge paper.<\/p>\n

1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Securitization Theory<\/h2>\n

Securitization is a fundamental political process that involves identifying existential and domestic threats and then implementing extraordinary, non-traditional measures to address them. The theory of securitization seeks to explain how the Nepalese government turned Gen Z’s dissatisfaction with corruption into a security issue. The Gen Z non-violent\u00a0movement in Nepal illustrates how political leaders portrayed peaceful protests as a threat to law and order, public safety, and national stability.<\/p>\n

The Gen Z non-violent\u00a0movement in Nepal is being\u00a0analyzed through the\u00a0lens of\u00a0securitization theory, which suggests that certain\u00a0groups within Gen Z are being portrayed as security\u00a0risks. In Nepal, the UML party has raised concerns about the securitization of Gen Z, labeling them as extremists or a dangerous group. The UML has also announced the\u00a0formation\u00a0of a central command for the Youth Volunteer Force, a youth resistance group\u00a0aimed at countering\u00a0Gen Z and other\u00a0perceived threats, and is\u00a0working\u00a0to\u00a0expand\u00a0its\u00a0presence nationwide. These developments highlight power struggles and resistance\u00a0within the country.<\/p>\n

On the other hand, the security forces in Nepal are facing challenges such as low morale, limited\u00a0resources, and\u00a0concerns about legal repercussions\u00a0for their\u00a0actions against Gen Z. This has\u00a0left the population vulnerable and lacking adequate protection. Human rights organizations\u00a0have\u00a0criticized\u00a0the security response\u00a0for\u00a0its use of excessive force and extrajudicial killings, calling for transparent investigations. Therefore, Nepal is not only undergoing a period of transition but also facing security vulnerabilities.<\/p>\n

The Copenhagen School, led by Barry Buzan and Ole W\u00e6ver, introduced the concept of securitization in the 1990s, challenging the traditional military-focused definition of security. They expanded the concept to include issues like human rights, poverty, and the environment,\u00a0inspiring\u00a0a new generation of scholars to broaden their understanding of security (Flohr, March 31, 2025).\u00a0This analysis\u00a0examines\u00a0the Gen Z non-violent\u00a0movement\u00a0through the lens of securitization theory, with security forces playing a central role.<\/p>\n

Nepal\u2019s securitization theory is facing a variety of threats, including the people\u2019s non-violent\u00a0movement in 1990, the people\u2019s war from 1996 to 2006, the republic movement in 2006, the Madhes movement in 2007, the 2015 earthquake, the Corona pandemic, natural calamities,\u00a0climate change,\u00a0cyberattacks, economic instability, and most recently the Gen Z non-violent movement leading to revolution. Traditional security studies,\u00a0which\u00a0focus\u00a0on the Nepal police, the armed police force, and the Nepal Army, as well as threats from nation-states,\u00a0are insufficient in understanding\u00a0these complex vulnerabilities.\u00a0 Thus, securitization theory\u00a0offers\u00a0a dynamic and critical\u00a0perspective to address these evolving challenges, particularly in relation to the Gen Z non-violent\u00a0movement and beyond.<\/p>\n

Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, the first interim prime minister of a multi-party democracy, was appointed on April 19, 1990,\u00a0marking the end of\u00a0the 30-year-old panchayat system.\u00a0 Just five days into his term, rumors began to circulate\u00a0that the police were\u00a0plotting against the new government and the restoration of democracy. An\u00a0enraged\u00a0mob of protesters\u00a0took matters into their own hands and\u00a0tied an Assistant Inspector of Police to a statue at Kalimati Chowk. They proceeded to\u00a0beat him with a rope until he was naked and succumbed to his injuries. The junior officer’s brutal killing took place in broad daylight in front of a large crowd of policemen who were unable to intervene effectively, despite being only 100 meters away in Balkhu-side road. All they could do was fire warning shots\u00a0into\u00a0the air. The police\u00a0eventually retrieved the officer’s body under the cover of darkness, 10 hours after the\u00a0tragic incident.<\/p>\n

In Teku, after\u00a0overpowering six policemen, the enraged\u00a0protestors loaded\u00a0them\u00a0onto a cart and transported them to Singha Durbar amidst a massive crowd passing through Tripureshwor, Thapathali, and Maitighar. The memory of that chaotic day still haunts me, as I witnessed the violent scene unfold with protestors shouting and screaming. The situation was so intense that I feared for my own safety, as the angry mob showed no mercy even towards law enforcement. I vividly remember the tragic sight of about a dozen policemen being killed by the enraged crowd. The memory of that day left me in a state of shock for weeks, unable to eat, sleep, or talk. I deeply regret not being able to help those injured policemen in their time of need. The lack of compassion from the protestors towards the victims was disheartening. I consider myself a witness to the brutality of that day, a reminder of the horrors that unfolded. I am a living martyr to that horrific situation.<\/p>\n

Now, let\u2019s discuss why and how the Gen Z nonviolent uprising began and what its results were. Oli’s misuse of power for personal and party\u00a0gains, reminiscent of Mussolini’s tactics, contradicted his public image. Oli\u00a0epitomizes\u00a0corruption and abuse of state power, engaging in\u00a0nepotism, favoritism, cronyism, gangsterism, clientelism, and other unethical practices. He has manipulated the justice system by appointing\u00a0allies\u00a0to key positions, including\u00a0UML members in\u00a0parliament and\u00a0the\u00a0attorney general\u00a0in the Supreme Court. Nepal\u00a0has seen Oli’s ruthless efforts to\u00a0eliminate\u00a0rivals and opponents at any cost.\u00a0 He protected corrupt individuals and\u00a0outmaneuvers\u00a0his opponents, making it\u00a0challenging\u00a0for them to succeed in mainstream politics.<\/p>\n

Generation Z\u00a0noticed\u00a0that their parents and grandparents had been\u00a0harboring\u00a0internal\u00a0anger\u00a0for a long time. Despite\u00a0their\u00a0success\u00a0in bringing about political change, they felt\u00a0a sense of sadness as they witnessed\u00a0party leaders burdening the country with\u00a0debt, widespread corruption, job opportunities dependent on favoritism towards leaders, and the privileged lifestyle of leaders’ children abroad.<\/p>\n

On September 8, starting at 8:30 am, students left school and gathered at\u00a0Maitighar in Kathmandu with a single demand:\u00a0to end\u00a0corruption. The\u00a0media presence was significant, and curious onlookers\u00a0also\u00a0joined\u00a0the\u00a0crowd. The authorities had obtained permission from the Chief District Officer’s\u00a0office to\u00a0ensure peace and security.\u00a0 However, neither the prime minister, the home minister, nor the police administration paid\u00a0attention to the\u00a0Gen Z nonviolent movement. The Home Minister, Secretary, and Inspector General of Police were absent as they attended\u00a0a meeting of the parliamentary committee\u00a0in\u00a0the federal parliament.<\/p>\n

After the extrajudicial killing to 76 unarmed young demonstrators, Gen Z has two main demands: the immediate arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, and the direct election of the executive.\u00a0 The Nepal Police sent the complaint against Oli and Lekhak on October 6 to the Commission of Inquiry into the Incidents of September 8 and 9, 2025. However,\u00a0on October 9, the Commission of Inquiry\u00a0returned the complaint\u00a0to the Nepal Police. The statement\u00a0mentioned\u00a0that Nepalese law\u00a0empowers the government to\u00a0promptly investigate and act against individuals involved in\u00a0criminal offenses. The complaint and\u00a0related\u00a0documents were\u00a0forwarded\u00a0to the District Police Office in\u00a0Kathmandu, along with a copy of the\u00a0Commission’s\u00a0press release\u00a0from\u00a0October 7, 2025,\u00a0which\u00a0stated\u00a0that there is no need to wait for the\u00a0Commission’s report to initiate\u00a0investigations\u00a0in criminal cases (ekantipur.com, October 9, 2025).<\/p>\n

The Inspector Generals of the Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force are refusing to be arrested\u00a0out of\u00a0fear\u00a0that\u00a0they may\u00a0face imprisonment\u00a0on moral grounds\u00a0if\u00a0Oli and Lekhak are imprisoned.\u00a0 They\u00a0have\u00a0announced that they will resign\u00a0instead of being\u00a0arrested. Gen Z and others are\u00a0calling\u00a0for\u00a0an investigation into the police chiefs for not complying with government orders. Gen Z leaders\u00a0are also\u00a0offering\u00a0condolences for\u00a0what\u00a0they\u00a0perceive\u00a0as the\u00a0incompetence of Prime Minister Karki and Home Minister Aryal.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0increase in criminal activities\u00a0is a major threat to public safety, leading to the need for immediate government action. Due to\u00a0limited police presence, citizens\u00a0are advised to enhance their own security measures, especially at night.<\/p>\n

The police are grappling with major challenges as a result of their facilities being destroyed in fires, leaving them without necessary resources\u00a0and\u00a0living accommodations. They have lost all of their belongings, including clothing, and the state is struggling to offer adequate support. Furthermore, officials are experiencing emotional trauma\u00a0and\u00a0distress, necessitating psychological counseling to enhance their well-being\u00a0and\u00a0morale. The absence of security forces in\u00a0rural\u00a0areas of Nepal\u00a0has prompted civilians to take charge of their\u00a0own\u00a0security.<\/p>\n

Securitization theory offers a detailed examination\u00a0of\u00a0non-violent uprisings\u00a0by Gen Z. It delves into\u00a0how protesters\u00a0frame\u00a0their demands as security\u00a0issues through “protest strand securitization,” and\u00a0how\u00a0governments respond by portraying the protests as\u00a0threats to national security.\u00a0This framework\u00a0sheds light on the dialogue\u00a0between protestors and the state, as both\u00a0sides use security rhetoric to justify\u00a0their actions and elevate the issues beyond\u00a0regular\u00a0political discourse.<\/p>\n

2.\u00a0 <\/strong>Internationalist Theory<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Internationalist theory illustrates a\u00a0growing trend of global interconnectedness among young people who\u00a0use technology to connect, organize, and advocate for change on a global level. Internationalism\u00a0is a political principle that\u00a0encourages\u00a0cooperation and solidarity among nations to address global challenges and\u00a0promote\u00a0peace and prosperity. It\u00a0underscores the significance of diplomacy, multilateralism, and international organizations in resolving conflicts and promoting\u00a0shared\u00a0interests. Internationalists\u00a0believe in the interconnected nature of the world and the need for collective action to\u00a0address\u00a0issues\u00a0such as the\u00a0Gen Z non-violent uprising, climate change, poverty, and human rights violations.<\/p>\n

The Gen Z movement’s focus on issues like corruption and governance resonates with internationalist principles of promoting transparency, accountability, and cooperation across borders. By embracing these values and utilizing digital tools to amplify their voices, Gen Z\u00a0activists are contributing to a more interconnected and collaborative world.<\/p>\n

Immanuel Kant introduced the\u00a0concept\u00a0of\u00a0“international” to promote\u00a0lasting peace and contributed ideas that have influenced\u00a0modern liberal internationalism, international law, and human rights\u00a0in his 1795 work,\u00a0“Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch” (Kant, 1991 & Jung, 2025). Similarly, Jeremy Bentham\u00a0used the term\u00a0“international” in\u00a0his work\u00a0“A Plan for a Universal and Perpetual Peace”\u00a0(1786\u201389) in\u00a0“Principles of International Law.” This study focuses\u00a0on the\u00a0suffix\u00a0“-ist”\u00a0in the\u00a0term “internationalist”\u00a0to\u00a0define a\u00a0system and theory\u00a0for\u00a0understanding\u00a0international cooperation.<\/p>\n

Internationalist theory\u00a0is a set of political and social principles, cultural and class boundaries, and ideologies that\u00a0promote\u00a0greater understanding and cooperation among peoples and nations. It\u00a0transcends beyond narrow national interests\u00a0to\u00a0emphasize\u00a0shared human values and collective action\u00a0in\u00a0addressing\u00a0global challenges.\u00a0 In this paper, the author examines the\u00a0factors leading to\u00a0the transformation of the nonviolent Gen Z non-violent uprising in Nepal into a violent one, resulting in the destruction and\u00a0burning of\u00a0ancient national, individual, and corporate properties. The author also\u00a0explores whether the\u00a0emergence of the\u00a0large Gen Z movement was\u00a0influenced by\u00a0the anti-corruption non-violent movement\u00a0among\u00a0Nepal’s youths and young individuals.\u00a0 The role of both domestic and foreign\u00a0forces will be analyzed to assess\u00a0their potential\u00a0involvement\u00a0with vested interests in the\u00a0Gen Z movement, including financial and moral support.<\/p>\n

Former prime minister Oli has\u00a0allegedly claimed that foreign elements\u00a0are behind\u00a0the Gen Z non-violent\u00a0movement, orchestrating\u00a0it\u00a0to\u00a0remove\u00a0him from power. The young squad and cyber army assigned to Oli’s security are challenging the\u00a0deep state government,\u00a0calling for\u00a0his arrest and detention. They\u00a0blame\u00a0the government’s decisions on being influenced by foreign powers and being illegitimate. Speculations\u00a0suggest\u00a0that the\u00a0movement\u00a0aims to\u00a0destabilize\u00a0China’s control over Tibet, with the Barbara Foundation\u00a0identified as a key player in this foreign influence.<\/p>\n

Sudan Gurung,\u00a0a prominent youth figure in the Gen Z non-violent movement and a member of Generation Y, has sparked widespread discussion and debate\u00a0regarding\u00a0the financial support provided by the Barbara Foundation to his organization, Hami Nepal. The Barbara Foundation is named after former USA spy Barbara Adams, who\u00a0resided in Nepal from 1961 onwards. Barbara was\u00a0expelled from Nepal\u00a0twice, first during\u00a0King Mahendra’s rule\u00a0in the 1960s\u00a0and\u00a0again\u00a0in 2000 during\u00a0PM Girija Prasad Koirala’s tenure. In 2008, the Government of Nepal,\u00a0led by\u00a0Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda), granted her\u00a0honorary Nepali citizenship.<\/p>\n

Nepal\u2019s renowned eye surgeon Dr. Sanduk Ruit, is the president of the Barbara Foundation\u00a0and has explicitly stated that Babara has no affiliation with Hami Nepal. Various suspicions,\u00a0doubts, and allegations\u00a0have arisen\u00a0in Nepal regarding the\u00a0foundation’s role. The involvement of Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, UML Secretary Yogesh Bhattarai, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Vice President Dr. Swarnim Wagle, journalist Dilbhushan Pathak,\u00a0and others has been\u00a0noted (https:\/\/www.republicadainik.com\/2025\/09\/111168\/<\/a>).<\/p>\n

Sushila Karki,\u00a0who led\u00a0the interim cabinet following\u00a0the Gen Z non-violent movement, has been\u00a0captured\u00a0in videos and photos\u00a0participating in Barbara Foundation\u00a0events on multiple occasions. Journalist Jagdish Kharel, a\u00a0Barbara Foundation\u00a0member, has been appointed Minister of Communications, Information,\u00a0and Technology. Kulmani Ghising,\u00a0affiliated with the foundation, has\u00a0assumed the role of\u00a0Minister of Energy. Rameshwor Khanal,\u00a0also allegedly linked to\u00a0the foundation, has been appointed\u00a0Minister of Finance.<\/p>\n

Notable individuals\u00a0associated with\u00a0the case include Haribansha Acharya, Madan Krishna Acharya, Hari Bahadur Thapa, Kiran Nepal, Mohana Ansari, Ravi Lamichhane, Kedar Bhakta Mathema, former President Dr. Ram Baran Yadav, Dr. Bhagwan Koirala, journalists Tikaram Yatri and Anuradha Koirala, and others\u00a0(https:\/\/www.republicadainik.com\/2025\/09\/111168\/<\/a>).<\/p>\n

The Gen Z non-violent\u00a0uprising was rumored to have received support from the\u00a0West and\u00a0India. On September 7,\u00a0a\u00a0day before the Gen Z non-violent\u00a0uprising, Indian Army General Ashwini Sharma\u00a0arrived in Nepal\u00a0secretly\u00a0at 4:25 pm on Air India flight\u00a0AI 2219.\u00a0 During his visit, he met with various young individuals\u00a0at the Indian Embassy in Nepal at Lainchaur,\u00a0including\u00a0Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Sah and Hami Nepal Chairman Sudan Gurung\u00a0late at night\u00a0for an hour. Following the\u00a0success\u00a0of\u00a0the\u00a0movement, the individuals they selected were included\u00a0in\u00a0the interim government. Sharma\u00a0remained\u00a0at the embassy until a new prime minister was appointed in Nepal.\u00a0 He quietly departed for\u00a0Delhi on September 11 at 5:20 p.m. as a regular passenger on Air India flight\u00a02220 (https:\/\/www.janaaastha.com\/story\/171396).<\/p>\n

It is not surprising that Nepali leaders,\u00a0who have\u00a0failed\u00a0to\u00a0effectively serve\u00a0their\u00a0country and its people,\u00a0often apply internationalist theory. Such leaders have often shifted their alliances between China, India, and other international power centers. Nepal’s strategic location allows it to potentially encircle China\u00a0and keep an eye on India.<\/p>\n

Gen Z’s\u00a0peaceful uprising is\u00a0crucial\u00a0in shaping a new phase of\u00a0global\u00a0mobilization. They are\u00a0leveraging digital\u00a0tools for\u00a0rapid\u00a0coordination and\u00a0collective action to drive political change through\u00a0international cooperation and\u00a0shared values. This aligns with the core principles\u00a0of internationalist\u00a0theory.<\/p>\n

3.\u00a0\u00a0 Force Theory<\/h2>\n

The Force Theory is a political concept that\u00a0explains\u00a0the establishment\u00a0and maintenance of states or governments\u00a0through the use of\u00a0force\u00a0and conquest, rather than\u00a0through the\u00a0consent of the governed. It\u00a0involves\u00a0the\u00a0transition from nonviolent to violent conflict\u00a0to establish a new government, where one group asserts control over others to create social order and governance.\u00a0The idea\u00a0of force, proposed by Ludwig Gumplowicz,\u00a0suggests that the formation of nations and social classes often\u00a0arises from a progression from nonviolent uprising to revolution resulting in conquests between different groups\u00a0(en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Ludwig_Gumplowicz). The force theory is a traditional political science theory that aligns with the dynamics of Gen Z political movements.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0resignation of\u00a0the two-thirds majority holding (UML) Oli-led government coalition with the Nepali Congress due to pressure from Gen Z, a social class, led to\u00a0the prime minister\u00a0fleeing\u00a0in a Nepal Army helicopter\u00a0from his residence. Gen Z, a nonviolent movement, engaged in destructive actions,\u00a0such as\u00a0setting government offices on fire and targeting Oli\u2019s close associates, including Bhatbhateni, during this transition period. The country’s security agencies\u00a0faced challenges in\u00a0maintaining\u00a0order, with\u00a0many security officials abandoning\u00a0their duties to\u00a0ensure their own safety.<\/p>\n

Prime Minister Oli resigned from his\u00a0residence\u00a0in Baluwatar, and his resignation was swiftly taken to the current Presidential Office by the Nepal Army Chief, located just 500 meters away, where it was immediately accepted. Rumors quickly spread that Oli was planning to flee to Qatar. Concerned citizens, particularly the youth of Gen Z and their supporters, began searching for possible escape routes Oli might take. They even checked if Oli was still present in the ambulance carrying an injured person. A large group gathered at the airport to see whether Oli would\u00a0go abroad for refuge\u00a0until\u00a0it was closed by 2:30 p.m. Some protestors inspected\u00a0potential transit points out of\u00a0the\u00a0Kathmandu valley in case Oli attempted to flee to India by car or other means. Their primary objective was to prevent Oli from escaping abroad and ensure he remained in Nepal to face consequences for the alleged genocide against Gen Z.<\/p>\n

After\u00a0Oli’s\u00a0resignation was accepted, the army rescued\u00a0him, his wife, and his adopted son, Chief Personal Secretary Rajesh Bajracharya, by dropping a rope from\u00a0a\u00a0helicopter at 1:30 pm. Oli and his family escaped by opening the\u00a0roof door of their quarters and hanging\u00a0onto\u00a0a rope, surprisingly\u00a0leaving behind\u00a0Deputy Prime Minister Bishnu Poudel, UML Party’s powerful general secretary Shankar Pokhrel, and others who had arrived\u00a0to ensure their safety. They were then taken\u00a0to an undisclosed army camp. The situation was so dire that\u00a0a helicopter couldn’t land at the Prime Minister’s quarters for his\u00a0rescue. Oli himself\u00a0admitted that if the rescue had been delayed by just 5 minutes, he would have been burned inside his quarters. It\u00a0is\u00a0a rare\u00a0event\u00a0in the world that the\u00a0Prime Minister\u00a0of the country, Oli, managed to\u00a0escape\u00a0by hanging from a military helicopter.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0protesters\u00a0had\u00a0completely taken control over\u00a0the\u00a0area where he lived. If Oli had resigned on the same day that 22 Gen Z young individuals were killed,\u00a0Nepal might have been spared\u00a0the devastation and genocide that\u00a0set it back 30 years. His stubbornness led to destruction of the country, resulting in\u00a0a historic\u00a0loss of life and property.<\/p>\n

Oli,\u00a0who was born into a poor family in the hilly village of Chhatedhunga in the Tehrathum district,\u00a0faced hardships from a young age. He lost his mother early on and had to\u00a0work\u00a0as a shepherd in other\u00a0households while trying to\u00a0study\u00a0in\u00a0his\u00a0limited\u00a0free time. This lack of family support and affection, coupled with a difficult upbringing, had a profound psychological impact on him. Oli also remained childless, which may have contributed to his harsh treatment of others, especially\u00a0children.<\/p>\n

The tragic incident involving the students\u2019 further highlights Oli’s ruthless behavior. Despite appearing in public in a month-long period in Bhaktapur on October 9, 2025, he has shown no remorse for the loss of innocent lives. Instead, he is focused on regaining power and has expressed his intention to seek reinstatement as prime minister through the Supreme Court. The lack of empathy and accountability in his actions is concerning, especially considering the seriousness of the situation. He\u00a0appears to be\u00a0more autocratic than Benito Mussolini in such circumstances.<\/p>\n

It is distressing to see children suffer and power being abused for personal gain. Oli’s actions highlight a concerning pattern of corruption driven by power and money,\u00a0disregarding\u00a0the welfare\u00a0of others. The Supreme Court,\u00a0predominantly composed\u00a0of UML party\u00a0members, faces a\u00a0difficult\u00a0decision in this\u00a0matter.<\/p>\n

In\u00a0Nepal’s\u00a0history, no government has been as autocratic as Oli’s, surpassing\u00a0the 104-year Rana regime\u00a0and\u00a0the 30-year Panchayat system.\u00a0 The\u00a0Rana regime\u00a0saw\u00a0a dozen\u00a0deaths, while the 1990 people’s movement claimed one and a half dozen lives, and the republican movement in 2006 resulted in two dozen casualties (Pathak, September 22, 2025). During Oli’s tenure, 76 future leaders lost their lives, some of whom were found burnt\u00a0inside\u00a0Bhatbhateni supermarkets.\u00a0 Around two dozen individuals lost their lives\u00a0in Bhatbhateni, with many\u00a0entering into loot out of poverty or coercion,\u00a0only to\u00a0tragically perish due to suffocation in the fire.<\/p>\n

Following Oli’s tenure, Nepal fell under the control of\u00a0corrupt\u00a0elements, thugs, and destructive forces\u00a0masquerading as\u00a0Gen Z,\u00a0acting in\u00a0their\u00a0own\u00a0interests and\u00a0those of\u00a0other leaders. Even the\u00a0genuine Gen Z\u00a0members were helpless spectators to\u00a0the\u00a0daily\u00a0chaos and looting. The Nepal Army failed to prevent the burning of significant landmarks like the President’s House and Singha Durbar, neglecting its security responsibilities. The country was ravaged by violence in the name of Gen Z, with major businesses being looted and set ablaze. Law and order\u00a0collapsed for 8.30 hours,\u00a0with no functioning\u00a0government\u00a0or security apparatus in place. The army only began restoring security measures at 10 pm on September 9, after widespread destruction had already occurred.<\/p>\n

Criticism was directed at the army for its delayed response and apparent reluctance to intervene while the country was in turmoil. However,\u00a0on October 10, the army\u00a0announced\u00a0the arrest of 27\u00a0individuals\u00a0involved in destructive activities, including looting, arson,\u00a0and\u00a0endangering lives and property during the chaotic period.<\/p>\n

After the Nepali Army\u00a0took over security\u00a0control\u00a0in\u00a0Nepal, there was\u00a0optimism\u00a0for public security and stability. The army chief\u00a0swiftly\u00a0formed\u00a0a new government within two days. The\u00a0selection of\u00a0a new prime minister\u00a0sparked disagreement\u00a0among the younger generation. Initially, Kathmandu Municipality Mayor Balen was\u00a0a\u00a0contender, but he nominated Sushila Karki. Karki, supported by Western powers and India, faced opposition from Gen Z supporters of Dharan Municipality Mayor Hark Sangpang, leading to a scuffle outside the army headquarters. Despite the tensions, Karki emerged as the prime minister\u00a0with the\u00a0backing\u00a0of one section of Gen Z, Western powers, and India.<\/p>\n

Oli, who was seeking refuge in the Nepal Army quarters, recommended Sushila Karki to President Ram Chandra Poudel as the new Prime Minister of interim government to address the crisis. Consequently, Karki, nominated\u00a0by a faction of young generation, was appointed\u00a0as the interim\u00a0Prime Minister\u00a0on September 12, 2025, becoming the\u00a0first woman to hold the position in Nepal. Karki swiftly took office and recommended the dissolution of the federal parliament on her first day in office. She gradually formed a cabinet, administering oaths to ministers on September 15 and 22.<\/p>\n

However, key\u00a0ministries,\u00a0such as\u00a0foreign affairs,\u00a0remain\u00a0vacant, leading to a situation where Nepali diplomatic missions abroad,\u00a0often staffed with\u00a0UML and Congress cadres\u00a0appointed by leaders for personal gain, are not effectively representing the spirit of the Gen Z non-violent\u00a0uprising. Foreign embassies in Nepal are also\u00a0uncertain\u00a0due to the\u00a0ongoing\u00a0confusion\u00a0in the government.<\/p>\n

The force theory in Nepal is escalating\u00a0as tensions intensify due to Oli\u2019s continued push for forceful actions challenging the legitimacy of the interim government. Oli has openly rejected an inquiry commission to uncover the truth about the loss of lives, casualties, and damages from the Gen Z non-violent\u00a0uprising. He has already directed his youth wings and goons to oppose the government\u2019s decisions that he deems illegitimate. Therefore, the force theory raises concerns about\u00a0potential turbulence in Nepal.<\/p>\n

Gen Z\u2019s non-violent uprisings\u00a0challenge\u00a0governments that rely\u00a0on\u00a0coercive force, demonstrating the power of the consent of the governed.<\/p>\n

4.\u00a0\u00a0 Sensationalist Theory<\/h2>\n

The Sensationalist Theory\u00a0aims to popularize philosophy and media studies\u00a0by capturing public attention. In philosophy, it highlights the significance of perception and sensation in comprehending the world, while in media studies, it\u00a0focuses on\u00a0the use of sensationalism in news reporting\u00a0to boost\u00a0viewership. This theory has\u00a0far-reaching\u00a0implications for different academic fields and shapes the way\u00a0information is perceived and\u00a0shared. This is a powerful tactic used by Gen Z in Nepal to share and initiate non-violent uprisings across the nation against corruption and for good governance.<\/p>\n

The concept of sensationalist theory is\u00a0studied in media studies, sociology, and psychology. The term “sensationalist”\u00a0originates from the suffix “-ist,”\u00a0indicating\u00a0a doctrine or theory.\u00a0 It was first\u00a0introduced by French philosopher \u00c9tienne Bonnot de Condillac in his book “Treatise on the Sensations” in 1754, influenced by British empiricist John Locke.<\/p>\n

This section\u00a0of\u00a0the paper\u00a0explores the\u00a0journalistic purpose and practice that\u00a0investigates the\u00a0cause-and-effect relationships between\u00a0media, public\u00a0perception, society, nation, and beyond. It\u00a0analyzes the role\u00a0of\u00a0social media and mainstream media\u00a0in disseminating news and gathering opinions from a specific age group known as Gen Z. The\u00a0platform was used for a non-violent\u00a0movement against corruption primarily and a social media ban secondarily. The\u00a0paper delves into the impact\u00a0of\u00a0this non-violent\u00a0 uprising\u00a0and its ongoing effects.<\/p>\n

Cyabra, an\u00a0Israel-based\u00a0company specializing in detecting online disinformation,\u00a0discovered that during the Gen Z movement in Nepal on September 8th & 9th, 2025,\u00a0fake accounts on X (formerly Twitter)\u00a0accounted for\u00a034% of sampled profiles. These\u00a0fake\u00a0accounts amplified protest hashtags and engaged with real users to\u00a0increase\u00a0their influence. Despite their smaller numbers, fake accounts generated 11.5 percent of total engagements, totaling\u00a0over 164,000 interactions and\u00a0potentially\u00a0reaching\u00a0326 million views, which is\u00a014 percent of the total\u00a0reach. The protests,\u00a0initially sparked\u00a0online\u00a0with\u00a0the hashtag #Nepokid,\u00a0intensified after the government banned 26 social media apps (Ray, October 12, 2025).<\/p>\n

Coordinated fake accounts spread narratives\u00a0that\u00a0reached\u00a0over 326 million potential viewers\u00a0globally. The protests turned violent on September 8th, leading to the resignation of Prime Minister Oli. Cyabra’s report highlighted the\u00a0dual nature\u00a0of social media in the Gen Z protests in Nepal,\u00a0enabling\u00a0youth mobilization and expression of grievances\u00a0while also being vulnerable to\u00a0manipulation by fake actors. Dr. Rajib Subba, a cybersecurity researcher,\u00a0stressed the importance of global\u00a0vigilance to combat\u00a0these threats (Satyal, October 7, 2025 & https:\/\/cyabra.com\/reports\/nepals-protests-show-fake-profiles-driving-real-impact\/<\/a>).<\/p>\n

Sudan Gurung, the founder of Hami Nepal, initially supported the protesters by distributing water at Maitighar. \u00a0Later he was\u00a0seen as an influential leader in a group during\u00a0the protest. He played a\u00a0significant\u00a0role in\u00a0shaping the citizens\u2019\u00a0government by appointing Sushila as the prime minister of the interim government based on his recommendation. Gurung, who is outside the Gen Z age group, has been\u00a0reported to have associations with the Barbara Foundation and the US Embassy Youth Council, leading to speculation about foreign influence in the non-violent\u00a0 uprising. Mahesh Basnet, a bodyguard of UML Oli, has accused Gurung of being a traitor under foreign influence (https:\/\/english.pardafas.com\/mahesh-basnet-draws-backlash-for-provocative-remarks-at-bhaktapur-gathering\/).<\/p>\n

The Nepali Congress has also\u00a0criticized\u00a0Gurung’s\u00a0involvement in\u00a0decision-making processes\u00a0within\u00a0the government.\u00a0 There are allegations that foreign powers have manipulated\u00a0the media\u00a0to\u00a0hijack\u00a0the demands of Gen Z after\u00a0the\u00a0success\u00a0of\u00a0the movement. Gurung has faced criticism on various media platforms, including\u00a0social media, mainstream media, TikTok,\u00a0and\u00a0YouTube. There\u00a0are\u00a0also\u00a0rumors\u00a0that Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shaha is supporting\u00a0Gurung.<\/p>\n

The success of the Gen Z non-violent\u00a0uprising\u00a0can be largely attributed to the media, which has also fueled their leadership aspirations. However, jingoistic media has played a role in creating\u00a0division\u00a0within\u00a0Gen Z. It is\u00a0clear\u00a0that Gen Z will\u00a0face challenges in the future as a result of jingoistic media. The proliferation of\u00a0fake\u00a0news\u00a0and cyber armies in Nepal poses a significant threat, with corrupt leaders using their illicit gains\u00a0to fund cyber armies that\u00a0spread\u00a0misinformation and deceive society. This has led to the rise of Sensationalist Theory, which is currently influencing\u00a0the socio-\u00a0political landscape\u00a0in Nepal.<\/p>\n

The sensationalist theory\u00a0suggests that Gen Z’s nonviolent uprising is\u00a0driven by a desire\u00a0for social media\u00a0attention. Critics\u00a0argue that this perspective undermines the genuine nature\u00a0of youth activism,\u00a0portraying it\u00a0as\u00a0mere\u00a0theatrics\u00a0for online\u00a0audiences. However, it is\u00a0important to acknowledge the sincere commitment\u00a0of young activists\u00a0who are\u00a0working towards\u00a0social change through\u00a0peaceful methods. Gen Z\u00a0employs attention-grabbing strategies to bring attention to important political issues, despite their detractors\u00a0dismissing\u00a0these tactics as sensationalism to\u00a0discredit\u00a0their cause\u00a0and\u00a0control\u00a0the narrative.<\/p>\n

5.\u00a0 <\/strong>Functionalist Theory<\/strong><\/h2>\n

Functionalist theory is a\u00a0multidisciplinary perspective in\u00a0political science, sociology, and anthropology that views society as a complex system with interconnected parts. These parts\u00a0work together to\u00a0promote and maintain social stability, solidarity, law and\u00a0order, and\u00a0public safety.\u00a0 In the context of\u00a0Gen Z’s\u00a0non-violent uprising, functionalist theory helps\u00a0identify and address underlying\u00a0issues in the system. It examines how Gen Z’s behaviors and attitudes\u00a0in social institutions contribute to societal stability,\u00a0focusing\u00a0on their digital\u00a0habits, entrepreneurial mindset, and pragmatic approach to change. These aspects play crucial roles in society\u2019s functioning\u00a0and development (Alfaruqy, Padmonurcahyo, and Salsabila, November 2022 & Ormerod, 2019).<\/p>\n

Emile Durkheim, a\u00a0key\u00a0figure in functionalist theory,\u00a0posited that society\u00a0functions\u00a0as an interconnected system that\u00a0maintains\u00a0social order and stability\u00a0through collective consciousness and solidarity (EBSCO, 2025). Generation\u00a0Z,\u00a0as\u00a0participants in non-violent movements within various\u00a0institutions\u00a0such as\u00a0family, education, and politics,\u00a0plays a significant\u00a0role in\u00a0fostering social cohesion. They do this by embracing and\u00a0transmitting\u00a0shared norms and values to\u00a0drive\u00a0socio-political change\u00a0that benefits\u00a0not only the family\u00a0unit but also society and the nation\u00a0as a whole.<\/p>\n

Nepal’s Gen Z is\u00a0actively involved in promoting economic prosperity and opportunity, healthy communities, demonstrating social sustainability, and the\u00a0community’s ability to sustain society to meet the needs of current and future generations. This is only\u00a0achievable through the establishment of\u00a0an equal and just system\u00a0in society,\u00a0progressing\u00a0without discrimination, corruption,\u00a0nepotism, and injustice, and\u00a0ensuring\u00a0equitable opportunities\u00a0for all. Nepal’s Gen Z non-violent uprising is a response to prevalent corruption, injustice, exploitation, and oppression. It aims to address\u00a0the needs of families and communities\u00a0by\u00a0maintaining\u00a0a healthy, educational, and resilient environment for\u00a0current and future generations.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0uprising\u00a0has led to the creation of\u00a0local employment opportunities and\u00a0economic development, emphasizing equal access to education as a\u00a0crucial\u00a0tool for social and economic transformation. Gen Z individuals exhibit a diverse\u00a0mentality, lifestyle, thinking, and outlook\u00a0compared to previous generations due to advancements\u00a0in\u00a0communication technology. Growing up\u00a0with smartphones, tablets, AI, the internet, YouTube, and videos\u00a0has shaped their worldview. The government’s social media ban\u00a0has further influenced their reliance on\u00a0online\u00a0platforms for education,\u00a0leading\u00a0to\u00a0shorter attention spans, and a preference for digital learning methods.<\/p>\n

To effectively\u00a0engage\u00a0Gen Z in Nepal, it is essential for the government, institutions, old parties such as UML and Nepali Congress, academia, and companies to understand and cater to the desires, values, and preferences of the youth. The functionalist theory provides concrete personal and societal benefits, clear\u00a0communication, and\u00a0adaptable education and work\u00a0arrangements that align with Gen Z\u2019s priorities, such as financial stability, personal\u00a0development, security, and meaningful work opportunities. By offering purposeful functions within families and society, transparent policies,\u00a0ongoing training, and nurturing environments that promote diversity and wellness, organizations can better connect with and retain Gen Z employees who are motivated to drive societal change.<\/p>\n

After\u00a0the successful emergence\u00a0of this transformative uprising, Gen Z has now\u00a0splintered into various groups. Some of these groups include Hami Nepal, Gen Z Nepal, Gen Z Youth Progress, Gen Z Parsa, Nawa Yug, Gen Z Damak, Siraha Gen Z Group, Gen Z Movement Alliance, Queer Youth Group, We for Change, Culture for Change, Yuwahub Community, Gen Z Jhapa, Logical Nepal, Indigenous Gen Z Collective, and more.<\/p>\n

Sudan Gurung,\u00a0a\u00a0Generation Y\u00a0member\u00a0and the founder of\u00a0Hami Nepal, suddenly\u00a0took the lead in negotiations with the Nepali Army to form the Citizen Government, ousting the parliamentary system of government. Under his dynamic leadership, Sushila Karki\u00a0was appointed as\u00a0the Prime Minister, with other ministers\u00a0also chosen based on his recommendations.\u00a0 However, on the third\u00a0evening of Karki’s premiership, Gurung and his supporters demanded her resignation,\u00a0leading to her stepping down in front of Karki\u2019s quarters. Gurung’s communication style in media and society sets him apart from others; he responds to\u00a0questions\u00a0aggressively\u00a0rather than calmly and simply, which\u00a0has become his trademark.<\/p>\n

He has expressed dissatisfaction over the delay in forming the government and told President Ram Chandra Poudel, “I will beat this old man. Why is he trying to save this constitution?” (https:\/\/www.ratopati.com\/exclusive\/517639\/we-will-make-leaders-not-allowed-to-contest-elections-by-charging-them-with-corruption<\/a>).<\/p>\n

Some Gen Z representatives have accused Nepalese NGOs of hijacking their cause\u00a0due to Gurung’s outspoken nature. During a meeting of the Disaster and Conflict Management Division chaired by Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal, parliamentary parties like the UML and Nepali Congress expressed outrage over Gurung’s directives to government employees.\u00a0Gurung’s outspoken style\u00a0has led\u00a0representatives of Gen Z\u00a0to claim\u00a0that Nepalese NGOs have\u00a0taken over\u00a0their cause.<\/p>\n

Just\u00a0like\u00a0in the past\u00a0with movements such\u00a0as the People\u2019s Movement 1990, the People’s War 1996-2006,\u00a0and\u00a0the Republican Movement 2006, the demands\u00a0of the people have gradually lost their significance\u00a0over time. The demands of Gen Z\u00a0are also\u00a0starting to be overlooked. The government, led by the prime minister and ministers chosen by Gen Z, is failing to address their demands or show the necessary courage to hold accountable and effectively function those responsible for genocide and crimes against humanity.<\/p>\n

The neglect of the youth’s demands is reminiscent of past mistakes made by previous governments, leading to social unrest. There is a fear that Nepal may face civil unrest if the government continues to ignore the need for effective governance, rule of law, and stability. As a society, we must remember the lessons of the past and work towards preventing such a scenario from unfolding and becoming dysfunctional.<\/p>\n

Functionalist theory sees Gen Z uprisings as\u00a0vital feedback\u00a0mechanisms that point out societal dysfunctions and drive social adaptation to maintain equilibrium. Society\u00a0is\u00a0viewed\u00a0as a system of interdependent parts, and when\u00a0one\u00a0part fails,\u00a0the entire system\u00a0becomes unstable. Gen Z non-violent uprising\u00a0play a significant role as indicators of these dimensions.<\/p>\n

6.\u00a0\u00a0 Extraterritoriality\u00a0Theory<\/h2>\n

The extraterritoriality theory\u00a0is an age-old legal principle that originally granted diplomats immunity from local laws, but it has evolved into diplomatic immunity\u00a0under agreements such as the Vienna Convention. Diplomats are not\u00a0subject to\u00a0host country laws but are required to follow them and can be expelled for committing serious offenses (Maginnis, 2003 & United Nations, 1963). This paper explores\u00a0the international community’s perception of\u00a0the Gen-Z supported civilian government in Nepal since its formation, with a focus on the entities that\u00a0have\u00a0extended congratulations and\u00a0well\u00a0wishes to the Karki-led government.<\/p>\n

On September 13, 2025, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed a\u00a0mass meeting\u00a0in\u00a0Manipur\u00a0and\u00a0warmly congratulated\u00a0Sushila Karki on assuming the role of prime minister of Nepal’s interim government on behalf of 1.4 billion Indians. Modi expressed confidence\u00a0that\u00a0Karki would lead Nepal towards\u00a0peace, stability, and prosperity. He emphasized the strong friendship between India and Nepal, rooted in\u00a0shared history\u00a0and faith, and\u00a0expressed optimism about their future\u00a0together (Post Reporter, September 14, 2025).<\/p>\n

In\u00a0a press statement\u00a0issued\u00a0on the same day,\u00a0Modi\u00a0extended his\u00a0best wishes to Karki on\u00a0her new role as the prime minister of\u00a0Nepal’s\u00a0interim government. Additionally, he greeted\u00a0Karki in English, Nepali, and Hindi,\u00a0wishing\u00a0her a successful tenure through the social media platform \u201cx.com<\/a>\u201d (https:\/\/x.com\/narendramodi<\/a>, September 13, 2025).\u00a0 This gesture of congratulating a prime minister in three languages is unprecedented and highlights India’s special regard for Sushila Karki’s leadership compared to previous prime ministers in Nepal. (https:\/\/www.ratopati.com\/story\/512982\/indian-counterpart-congratulates-prime-minister-karki-in-three-languages<\/a>).<\/p>\n

On September 13, 2025, the Foreign Ministry spokesperson, through a statement, said, \u201cChina congratulates Sushila Karki on becoming Prime Minister of Nepal\u2019s interim government. China, as always, respects the development path chosen independently by the people of Nepal. We stand ready to promote the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, enhance exchanges and cooperation in various fields, and further advance bilateral relations\u201d (Post Report, September 14, 2025). https:\/\/kathmandupost.com\/national\/2025\/09\/14\/china-congratulates-karki-on-appointment-as-interim-prime-minister<\/a>. The US Embassy in Kathmandu has extended congratulations to Nepal\u2019s new interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki.<\/p>\n

On September 13, 2025, Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama congratulated Sushila Karki on becoming the Prime Minister of Nepal. He highlighted the historical relationship between the Nepalese and Tibetan peoples, expressing gratitude for Nepal’s support of Tibetan refugees. His Holiness also praised the country’s development and prosperity, wishing her\u00a0success in\u00a0meeting the\u00a0needs of the Nepalese people (https:\/\/www.dalailama.com\/news\/congratulating-the-new-prime-minister-of-nepal<\/a>).<\/p>\n

On September 15, 2025, Khenpo Sonam Tenphel, Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, extended his heartfelt congratulations to Nepal\u2019s interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki. He said, \u201cTibet and Nepal share a centuries-old spiritual, cultural, and historical relationship, founded on mutual respect and deep-rooted ties. We [want to] take this moment to express our sincere gratitude to the government and people of Nepal for their kindness and generosity in hosting and rehabilitating the Tibetan community over the past decades. Your support has allowed Tibetans in Nepal to preserve their culture and traditions while [making positive contributions] to the wider society\u201d (https:\/\/tibet.net\/speaker-khenpo-sonam-tenphel-congratulates-nepals-interim-prime-minister-sushila-karki\/<\/a>). Similarly, Sikyong Penpa Tsering of the Central Tibetan Administration, Dharmshala, also sent a congratulatory letter to Sushila Karki on her appointment as the first Interim Prime Minister of the Republic of Nepal (https:\/\/tibet.net\/sikyong-penpa-tsering-congratulates-nepals-interim-prime-minister-sushila-karki\/<\/a>).<\/p>\n

The\u00a0United Kingdom, Germany, France,\u00a0and many other foreign governments have\u00a0welcomed\u00a0the appointment of Sushila Karki as prime minister in Nepal’s interim government and expressed their wishes for stabilizing the political situation in Nepal.<\/p>\n

Various issues were raised regarding Gen Z, including Nepal\u2019s involvement in\u00a0the Free Tibet Movement.\u00a0 It is worth noting that\u00a0no Nepali prime minister has ever received direct congratulations from\u00a0the Dalai Lama and his associates, nor have they addressed Tibetan refugees in Nepal to date.\u00a0 In\u00a0contrast, Prime Minister Modi\u00a0recently extended\u00a0congratulations\u00a0in three languages for the first time in history.<\/p>\n

During Gen Z\u2019s non-violent uprising, the term\u00a0“Tibetan Original Blood” (TOB) gained attention, sparking controversy\u00a0on Nepali social media. Many Nepalis are\u00a0skeptical of this, believing it to be more than just a coincidence. The incumbent government seems to have a significant number of individuals with ties to\u00a0US power,\u00a0politics,\u00a0and donations\u00a0in some way or another.<\/p>\n

Beyond Theory<\/h2>\n

Children who grow up near their fathers become responsible adults, while those who grow up\u00a0near their mothers become cultured\u00a0individuals. Those who are raised\u00a0near their teachers become\u00a0knowledgeable\u00a0scholars, and those who are influenced by\u00a0their society become role models. Lastly, those\u00a0who love their country become great change-makers, known as Generation Z. Thus, Gen Z wishes to utilize their nonviolent tools to overthrow (elected) authoritarian regimes and improve living conditions for all by advocating for systematic change.<\/p>\n

Beyond Theory is a\u00a0crucial element\u00a0in\u00a0the conclusion,\u00a0aligning\u00a0with the theoretical tool discussed\u00a0earlier. This theory\u00a0explores\u00a0potential\u00a0advancements in Nepal\u00a0that were not addressed by previous theories, emphasizing the\u00a0value of practical experience in\u00a0acquiring knowledge.\u00a0 It underscores the importance of hands-on application in\u00a0various\u00a0fields, suggesting that\u00a0true understanding and impact come\u00a0from implementation rather than\u00a0just\u00a0academic study.<\/p>\n

The talk of deep stays has also come up in connection with the Gen Z non-violent movement. \u2018Deep State\u2019 means a hidden state within a state, a secret state, an inner state, or an invisible state and government (www.nepalviews.com\/story\/221306). A deep state is a\u00a0secretive and covert\u00a0network\u00a0within a\u00a0government\u00a0where foreign and bureaucratic elites\u00a0and intelligence agencies exert influence and\u00a0control\u00a0over the\u00a0country’s\u00a0leadership, often\u00a0against the\u00a0will of elected officials. The deep state undermines the elected bodies and political leaders. Godwin Chikaodi Ehochi says, \u201cThis concept gained widespread attention during the presidency of Donald Trump, whose outsider status and confrontational approach to established political institutions seemed to clash with the perceived power of the Deep State\u201d (2024).<\/p>\n

The\u00a0concept has also been\u00a0utilized as a conspiracy theory in\u00a0global\u00a0politics, particularly by powerful nations (Abramson, 2017 & Tyler, 2025). Generally, the deep state abuses state power without holding any authority or legal status; for instance, Sudan Gurung, founder of an NGO called Hami Nepal (https:\/\/www.haminepal.org\/<\/a>). Gurung does not have an official\u00a0position in Sushila Karki’s new government, but he\u00a0wields influence over\u00a0decision-making processes. Despite not being part of the Gen Z age group, he still plays a significant role in government decisions. Gurung has neither social status nor academic status, but his organization receives donations from the Barbara Foundation. The term first emerged in Turkey in\u00a0the\u00a01990s\u00a0and has since been linked to countries such as\u00a0Egypt, Thailand, the USA, and\u00a0Nepal (Barlow, 2025).<\/p>\n

The discussion also involves the presence of a group known as TOB during the Gen Z non-violent movement. Members of this group, dressed in black T-shirts and jackets with ‘TOB’\u00a0written on them, arrived on motorcycles carrying black flags with the same acronym. They were\u00a0accused of agitating the crowd and\u00a0causing\u00a0disruptions during the peaceful protest.\u00a0 The police have\u00a0initiated\u00a0an investigation\u00a0into the group’s activities. Through\u00a0Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) methods, Kantipur found videos related to TOB. The group, led by Tenzing Dawa Lama, rode Royal Enfield motorcycles and wore black masks. Tenzing, with tattoos and long hair, wore a T-shirt that said\u00a0‘Tibetan Original Blood’\u00a0along with\u00a0‘TOB.’ Videos show him giving instructions to the youth on bikes, sometimes in a calm manner and other times engaging in provocative behavior (Dudhraj & Pokhrel, October 13, 2025).<\/p>\n

Tenzing’s statements in\u00a0the\u00a0videos range from encouraging\u00a0the\u00a0crowd\u00a0to stay put to using vulgar language to incite them. The\u00a0Facebook group\u00a0‘Tibetan Original Blood,’\u00a0established in 2012 with 1,500 members,\u00a0supports\u00a0the\u00a0Free Tibet Movement. It acts as a platform\u00a0for\u00a0Tibetans and supporters of an independent Tibet\u00a0to connect and discuss various topics. The group is not affiliated with any specific organization and promotes discussion\u00a0on\u00a0politics, philosophy, music, and current events related to Tibet. Photos and statements advocating for a free Tibet, including messages from the Dalai Lama, have been shared on the group’s page (Dudhraj & Pokhrel, October 13, 2025).<\/p>\n

Questions have\u00a0been raised about Sudan Gurung, who was prominently involved in discussions at the Nepal Army headquarters and the President\u2019s Office during the post-Gen Z non-violent movement. This is due to\u00a0the collaboration between his organization, Hami Nepal, and\u00a0Students for a Free Tibet. The latter organization,\u00a0established in 1994 by Tibetan and young student supporters in New York, USA, has acknowledged ‘We Nepal’ on its website as a goodwill gesture (Dudhraj & Pokhrel, October 13, 2025).<\/p>\n

The\u00a0main goal\u00a0of the Karki-led government is to\u00a0hold\u00a0elections on March 5, 2026. However, there are challenges, as the election environment has not been\u00a0fully established and major political parties have not confirmed their participation. The UML,\u00a0under Oli’s leadership, is\u00a0aiming to regain power by\u00a0questioning\u00a0the current government’s legitimacy\u00a0in the Supreme Court and\u00a0organizing protests on the streets.\u00a0 On the first day the court reopened,\u00a012 petitions were filed\u00a0against the citizens’ government (english.khabarhub.com\/2025\/14\/501411\/). There has been\u00a0a\u00a0significant\u00a0uprising of youths and young individuals against Oli. The UML is\u00a0seeking\u00a0a way to avoid the elections, fearing potential defeat. The Nepali Congress is facing uncertainty. In contrast, smaller parties like the Nepali Communist Party (NCP), the Socialist Party of Nepal (CPN), the National Independent Party, and the National Democratic Party have already committed to participating in the elections. Additionally,\u00a0several\u00a0Gen Z groups have formed parties to compete\u00a0in the upcoming elections.<\/p>\n

The likelihood\u00a0of holding elections on the scheduled date\u00a0is\u00a0very\u00a0low if the current government remains in power. The Nepal Police lacks the necessary resources, such\u00a0as\u00a0offices and\u00a0vehicles,\u00a0to\u00a0ensure security during the elections. Additionally, with\u00a0all government documents\u00a0destroyed, the Ministry of Home Affairs has no records\u00a0of\u00a0candidates, making it difficult to verify their eligibility. Sri Lanka\u00a0took 15 months\u00a0to hold elections after\u00a0an interim government was formed in 2022, while Bangladesh is\u00a0set to\u00a0hold\u00a0elections in 19 months in February 2026. Given these examples,\u00a0the prospects of timely\u00a0elections in Nepal are slim.<\/p>\n

While\u00a0Nepal is currently\u00a0experiencing a non-violent uprising led by Gen Z, this movement is not confined to Nepal alone.\u00a0 It\u00a0is a powerful youth-led campaign against corruption. Despite the ideological (rightist versus leftist) divisions in global politics, the Gen Z voice is advocating for transparent governance and equal\u00a0distribution of resources and opportunities. This movement\u00a0is likely to expand globally\u00a0in the\u00a0coming\u00a0decade, with India\u00a0being particularly vulnerable.<\/p>\n

On the other hand,\u00a0Gen Z\u00a0non-violent uprising has pointed out that\u00a0the Nepal Police is\u00a0hesitant to prosecute individuals involved in crimes against humanity and genocide, even if the government desires it. The likelihood of a repeat election is low due to\u00a0notorious individuals linked to\u00a0these\u00a0crimes working against the current\u00a0government.\u00a0 Additionally, foreign powers are\u00a0seeking to advance their own\u00a0agendas by sowing discord in Nepal during this transitional period. Calls for the return of the monarchy are gaining\u00a0traction,\u00a0and\u00a0there is a potential for the Oli faction to align with the king. An influential faction within\u00a0the Nepali Congress is\u00a0pushing for the\u00a0establishment of\u00a0a Hindu state\u00a0with\u00a0a ceremonial role\u00a0for the king.<\/p>\n

Former Maoist leader and\u00a0ex-Prime Minister Dr. Baburam Bhattarai has advocated for a role for the monarchy in Nepal. Indian Prime Minister Modi has expressed a longstanding commitment to reinstating Nepal\u00a0as\u00a0a Hindu nation. The tradition of India and China inviting Nepali prime ministers\u00a0for\u00a0visits immediately after taking the oath of administration\u00a0has been broken this year.\u00a0 The congratulatory message from\u00a0the Chinese Foreign Ministry\u00a0spokesperson to\u00a0the Karki-led government\u00a0carries a significant diplomatic sign of unhappiness.<\/p>\n

Nepal is currently\u00a0facing multiple\u00a0crises. Historically, the Dalai Lama and his government have not\u00a0congratulated\u00a0Nepal’s prime ministers\u00a0or\u00a0discussed\u00a0the Tibetan issue.\u00a0 However, in a surprising\u00a0turn of events,\u00a0the Dalai Lama, along with the Tibetan\u00a0government and parliament leader, has congratulated and extended\u00a0best wishes to the Karki-led government and\u00a0is seeking assistance\u00a0for\u00a0Tibetan refugees in Nepal. This\u00a0shift is\u00a0significant,\u00a0as it\u00a0indicates China’s increasing\u00a0involvement\u00a0in\u00a0the\u00a0Tibetan issue, posing a potential risk to Nepal. This concern\u00a0must\u00a0be addressed\u00a0before it is too late to prevent any negative consequences in the future.<\/p>\n

Nepal’s Gen Z non-violent uprising is actively working to contribute to the country’s economic growth, education, and community well-being in order to promote social sustainability for both current and future generations. However, their progress is being hindered by corruption and injustice perpetuated by leaders of the UML and Nepali Congress parties, who are facing legal challenges for their misconduct.<\/p>\n

Corruption, characterized by\u00a0the illegal exploitation\u00a0of power for personal gain by public officials, government\u00a0entities, and non-government organizations,\u00a0leads to resource wastage, skewed budget distribution, inefficiency, and unpredictability.\u00a0It also impedes development,\u00a0erodes trust in authority, and weakens the\u00a0overall\u00a0system. Corruption in Nepal is rampant, pervasive, and deeply ingrained, affecting all aspects of society.<\/p>\n

However, the Supreme Court may dismiss the current citizen government, as almost all judges have ties to the UML and Nepali Congress cadres. This potential verdict could undermine the sacrifices and efforts of Gen Z who are striving for positive change. This situation risks plunging Nepal into a vicious cycle of conflict and civil unrest, overshadowing the aspirations of the youth for a better future for Nepal.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0emerging theories in Nepal showcase a fusion\u00a0of tradition, modernization, and political\u00a0change. The Gen Z population\u00a0in Nepal is embracing digital advancements while staying\u00a0connected to their\u00a0cultural\u00a0heritage, giving their movement a\u00a0unique identity. Common themes such as\u00a0youth\u00a0activism, digital\u00a0presence, demands for equality, and\u00a0distrust of traditional establishments are not\u00a0limited\u00a0to Nepal but resonate\u00a0worldwide within the Gen Z movement. These themes are\u00a0visible\u00a0in climate\u00a0protests in Europe, social justice\u00a0campaigns in the Americas,\u00a0the Fair Start\u00a0movements\u00a0against democratic\u00a0backsliding\u00a0in Asia, and\u00a0calls for equitable\u00a0resource\u00a0allocation in Africa.<\/p>\n

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        11. United Nations. (1963). Vienna Convention on Consular Relations<\/em>. United Nations. Retrieved on October 13, 2025, from https:\/\/legal.un.org\/ilc\/texts\/instruments\/english\/conventions\/9_2_1963.pdf.<\/li>\n
        12. W\u00e6ver, O. (1995). Securitization and Desecuritization<\/em>. New York University Press.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

          ____________________________________________<\/p>\n

          Professor Bishnu Pathak is a distinguished member of the Truth Alliance and former commissioner at Nepal\u2019s Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP). He has been nominated multiple times (2014-2019) for the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of his groundbreaking work on the peace-conflict lifecycle, a framework he likens to an ecosystem.\u00a0 This lifecycle influences both academic discourse and practical peacebuilding efforts worldwide. With a Ph.D. in Conflict Transformation and Human Rights, Dr. Pathak brings over three decades of experience in peacebuilding, transitional justice, and human rights advocacy. Serving as a board member at the TRANSCEND Peace University, Mr. Pathak has authored 150 international papers and a dozen books that are widely referenced in over 100 countries. His publications cover a wide range of topics, including peace and conflict studies, human rights, human security, geopolitics, birthright equity, and transitional justice. For inquiries, collaborations, and\/or speaking engagements, Dr. Pathak can be reached at prof.bishnu.pathak.np@gmail.com<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

          Generation Z represents a powerful, dynamic, and tech-savvy cohort driving global change. Innovative, creative, and energetic, these youths are united by their commitment to authenticity, transparency, and accountability.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":309876,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[40],"tags":[550,3776,3292,1458,171,1280],"class_list":["post-309874","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-transcend-members","tag-corruption","tag-dalai-lama","tag-gen-z","tag-nepal","tag-revolution","tag-transitional-justice"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/309874","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=309874"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/309874\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":309877,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/309874\/revisions\/309877"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/309876"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=309874"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=309874"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=309874"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}