{"id":319131,"date":"2026-08-10T12:00:23","date_gmt":"2026-08-10T11:00:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=319131"},"modified":"2026-08-06T07:39:00","modified_gmt":"2026-08-06T06:39:00","slug":"inside-the-longest-refugee-protest-in-history","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2026\/08\/inside-the-longest-refugee-protest-in-history\/","title":{"rendered":"Inside the Longest Refugee Protest in History"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Refugees trapped in the Agadez Humanitarian Center in the Saharan Desert in Niger have waged a continuous protest since 22 Sep 2024.
(Amir Abdulkrem \/ @RefugeesNiger)<\/p><\/div>\n

For over 670 days, refugees trapped in a UN camp have maintained a daily sit-in in the Sahara Desert to demand basic human rights. <\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

31 Jul 2026\u00a0<\/em>– On any given day, you will find a group of up to 1,000 people, including women, children, the elderly and people with disabilities, standing in the Sahara Desert, eight miles from the nearest town, holding signs that read \u201cWe don\u2019t want to stay here,\u201d \u201cRefugees in the desert without protection\u201d and \u201cWe don\u2019t feel safe here.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Since Sept. 22, 2024, they have maintained a daily sit-in at the humanitarian center where they are being held. At nearly two years, it has become one of the longest continuous refugee-led protests in history \u2014 and almost no one knows about it.<\/p>\n

They are refugees, the majority from Sudan, others from Eritrea, Somalia, Ethiopia, Congo and Cameroon. They are among approximately 2,000 people living at the Agadez Humanitarian Center, which is managed jointly by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, or UNHCR, and Nigerien authorities. Established in 2017 with funding from the EU, Italy and the UK, Agadez was intended as a \u201ctransit point\u201d<\/a> for refugees awaiting resettlement.<\/p>\n

Instead, according to sources in the camp who wanted to remain anonymous for fear of retaliation, refugees are held with limited movement, no asylum processing and no resettlement path. Some have been there for more than eight years. Nigerien authorities have claimed to offer local integration, but refugees report it happens without their consent.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe\u2019re stuck between a homeland that can\u2019t be returned to and a humanitarian center that can\u2019t be lived in,\u201d the anonymous source said. \u201cWe are held in the desert, without the most basic necessities of life. This is our suffering.\u201d<\/p>\n

The protesters have made their requests clear: resettlement to safe third countries, improved living conditions until then and an end to their \u201cde facto detention.\u201d<\/p>\n

But they are not suffering in silence. They are still standing proudly, despite intimidation, aggression and violence from the Nigerien police and military forces, and indifference and complicity from the agency meant to protect them.<\/p>\n

Desert conditions<\/a> in Agadez are an active threat to survival. Temperatures regularly exceed 105 degrees Fahrenheit, making exposure, dehydration and heat stroke constant risks. Ironically, when the former head of UNHCR in Niger, Emmanuel Gignac, visited the camp, he complained on camera of the heat<\/a> to refugees and insisted they only talk in the shade. Compounding the heat risks is a lack of medical care, refugees said. And for nearly a year, most have received no food rations<\/a>.<\/p>\n

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Children in the Agadez refugee camp join their parents on the 571th day of protest.
\n(Amir Abdulkrem \/ @RefugeesNiger)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

UNHCR has repeatedly stated<\/a> the center is \u201cnot a detention facility\u201d and residents enjoy freedom of movement, a claim refugees refute. They point to mandatory passes for non-local travel, which are difficult to obtain from the local government, and often refused. Even with them, refugees face obstructions and payment of bribes at checkpoints, said a source.<\/p>\n

A Cameroonian woman, Armelle, told InfoMigrants<\/em><\/a> that when she tried to travel beyond the city of Agadez, Nigerien police stopped her. According to a refugee spokesperson, the police told her, \u201cHow dare you decide for yourself \u2014 you\u2019re a refugee, you need permission.\u201d<\/p>\n

One refugee summed up the situation, \u201cI see no difference between the place I am in and a prison. What matters to me is conveying the truth about what is happening here.\u201d<\/p>\n

The system that traps them<\/h4>\n

\u201cThe peaceful protests in Agadez aren\u2019t an isolated event, but part of a broader refugee-led movement that has emerged wherever refugees have found themselves trapped in systems of indefinite containment,\u201d said David Yambio, executive director and cofounder of the organization Refugees in Libya<\/a>, which advocates for migrants and refugees in North Africa and Europe.<\/p>\n

Yambio is himself a refugee from South Sudan. Born in 1997, he fled war as an infant with his family, and endured forced recruitment as a child soldier. Later he survived detention, torture and enslavement under notorious Libyan police chief Osama Almasri Najim in Tripoli.<\/p>\n

Through Refugees in Libya, Yambio has built a network that connects refugees across Libya, Tunisia, Niger and other North African countries who say UNHCR has failed to protect them. Together, they are documenting abuses<\/a> and sustaining pressure on UNHCR. The organization is working with deported leaders of the Agadez protests to fight for those still trapped in the camp.<\/p>\n

\u201cNo community chooses to sustain a peaceful protest for more than 670 days unless every other avenue has failed,\u201d Yambio said.<\/p>\n

Agadez is part of the EU\u2019s strategy to externalize its borders and stop people fleeing wars from reaching Europe. \u201cEuropean borders no longer begin at the Mediterranean, they stretch deep into Libya, Tunisia, Niger and beyond,\u201d Yambio said.<\/p>\n

The majority in Agadez are refugees of the war that erupted in Sudan in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a conflict that has killed tens of thousands, displaced more than 15 million and unleashed ethnic violence in Darfur that the UN describes<\/a> as bearing \u201cthe hallmarks of genocide.\u201d Others have fled conflicts in Chad, Ethiopia, Cameroon and the Central African Republic, where political violence, insurgencies and instability are fueled by past colonial legacies and modern-day exploitation.<\/p>\n

Refugees do not set out for Europe lightly. Many try to find a home in neighboring countries first, but when that process is frustrated, as in Niger, with no work, no schooling for their children and no hope of a safe return to their home country, they move on. Europe is not their first choice; it is their last.<\/p>\n

The Mediterranean nations of Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Libya are the main avenues for refugees trying to seek safety in Europe. But authorities in those countries do the bidding of European governments by violently expelling refugees fleeing so they can\u2019t reach Europe. In Libya and Tunisia, <\/strong>the EU funds \u201ccoast guard<\/a>\u201d operations not to save refugees, but to intercept migrant boats at sea and return them forcibly, often to Libya \u2014 where they face detention, extortion, torture and slavery<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Other refugees intercepted in North Africa and the Mediterranean are dumped in the desert, abandoned near borders or sent to Mauritania, Niger and the Aegean Islands, where the EU funds mass detention centers. Algeria alone has deported over<\/a> 80,000 people to Niger since 2024.<\/p>\n

These mass expulsions are not isolated acts but part of a coordinated \u201cchain deportation corridor\u201d in which European money, channeled through international organizations, finances a system of containment. In the Aegean Sea, EU-backed \u201cClosed Controlled Access Centers<\/a>\u201d confine asylum seekers in detention for months under constant surveillance. In Mauritania, the EU and Spain fund migrant detention facilities known for inhumane<\/a> treatment. The EU presents these centers as humanitarian, but the effect is to warehouse people indefinitely far from European courts, accountability or empathy.<\/p>\n

Agadez, likewise, operates as a legalized black hole: Refugees are held in a desert camp, their asylum claims are unprocessed, and while protesting peacefully against their detainment, their freedom of speech is criminalized by the authorities detaining them there \u2014 all paid for by European taxpayers.<\/p>\n

If they try to travel past the nearest city, they are forcibly returned, often at gunpoint. One refugee explained, \u201cWe\u2019re not migrants \u2014 we\u2019re refugees fleeing war. But they treat us like criminals, as they don\u2019t want us to reach Europe.\u201d<\/p>\n

Inside the movement<\/h4>\n

The peaceful protests aren\u2019t spontaneous. Refugees formed an elected National Refugee Committee shortly after the protests began in September 2024 to coordinate daily sit-ins, initiate hunger strikes, create petitions and write open letters. They use social media, particularly X, to document their plight, sharing photos and videos<\/a> that reach the outside world.<\/p>\n

Nigerien authorities refuse to negotiate with the committee and warn refugees not to participate in it, a refugee spokesperson told me. \u201c[The government] told us if refugees are part of a representative body, you won\u2019t obtain your rights,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

The sit-in has continued every day since it began on Sept. 22, 2024, through desert heat as high as 112 degrees Fahrenheit, punitive food ration cuts, arrests<\/a>, police brutality<\/a>, harassment<\/a> and illegal deportations.<\/p>\n

Children participate, holding signs that count the protest days, starting at day one. The protesters chant a single slogan: \u201cWe don\u2019t feel safe; we don\u2019t want to stay here.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Children make up at least 15 percent of the approximately 2,000 refugees held at the UN-run camp in Agadez, Niger. (Amir Abdulkrem \/ @RefugeesNiger)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The movement has faced repeated crackdowns. In January 2020, after refugees set up a protest camp outside UNHCR headquarters in the city of Agadez, security forces arrested more than 330 people. According to refugees who were present, security forces beat<\/a> protesters, including children and pregnant women. The arrestees were locked in cramped unsanitary conditions<\/a> without food for two days, sources say, and were only released after 48 days.<\/p>\n

The sit-in that began in 2024 was met with escalating repression. In February 2025, UNHCR suspended food aid at the request of Nigerien authorities seeking to quell the protests.<\/p>\n

The following month, Niger\u2019s National Eligibility Commission for Refugee Status, or CNE, issued a statement<\/a> criminalizing all refugee committees, which read in part, \u201cThere is fundamentally no right to resettlement. \u2026 Therefore, organizing and participating in demonstrations of any kind within the Agadez Humanitarian Center to demand resettlement is intolerable.\u201d<\/p>\n

Eight protest leaders were then arrested, beaten and held for 10 days.<\/p>\n

\u201cI am still suffering the consequences of that arrest, physically and psychologically,\u201d one of the leaders said. \u201cI got a broken finger on my right hand, severe headaches and have constant pain.\u201d<\/p>\n

At a meeting where UNHCR was present, CNE revoked the protesters\u2019 legal refugee status, and they were then illegally deported to Chad.<\/p>\n

In August 2025, six more leaders were arrested in a raid involving 15 military vehicles, and were also deported to Chad. Their whereabouts remain unknown. The Nigerien military came to the detention facility, rounded people up and, as captured on film, threw one man headfirst<\/a> into the back of a pickup truck, hands tied behind his back, and drove away with him. He has not been heard from since.<\/p>\n

Mary Lawlor, the UN special rapporteur on human rights defenders, told The New Humanitarian<\/em><\/a> that these arrests \u201cmay constitute enforced disappearances, and a grave violation of Niger\u2019s obligations under human rights law.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cAll six of those arrested were part of the committee that has been peacefully organizing in defense of the rights of refugees in Agadez,\u201d she said. \u201cI do consider them human rights defenders.\u201d<\/p>\n

Reached for comment, UNHCR said it learned of both sets of arrests after the fact, although sources in the camp say that UNHCR staff witnessed and did not intervene in the March 2025 arrests and beatings.<\/p>\n

A UNHCR spokesperson said the agency \u201cmet with\u201d Nigerien authorities after both arrests to \u201cexpress\u00a0its\u00a0concerns\u00a0and\u00a0advocate for\u00a0international\u00a0protection standards.\u201d\u00a0At the deportation hearing, UNHCR said it provided \u201ctechnical guidance\u201d that \u201cunder international law \u2026 revocation [of refugee status] must be based on individualized assessments and must not be used as a punitive response to peaceful protest or collective action\u201d and \u201cany alleged violation of national laws and regulations should be addressed through the ordinary justice system.\u201d<\/p>\n

The agency did not answer why it failed to prevent the deportations, despite the freedom of expression and speech rights ordained by the founding documents of the United Nations, and despite the agency\u2019s international mandate<\/a> to supervise how states implement refugee law.<\/p>\n

Yambio said that retaliation against refugees who speak out isn\u2019t isolated to Niger: \u201cAcross Libya, Tunisia and Niger, refugee leaders are increasingly labeled as troublemakers or threats to UNHCR rather than recognized as legitimate representatives.\u201d<\/p>\n

Complicit, negligent or incompetent?<\/strong><\/p>\n

UNHCR has issued multiple statements defending its operations. In January 2025, it said: \u201cWhile we fully respect their right to peacefully protest and acknowledge the difficulties they face in a Agadez\u2019s arid conditions, we urge the group to engage with us in a constructive manner and reconsider the assistance and local opportunities that have been made available.\u201d Yet peaceful protesters have been arrested, beaten and deported on UNHCR\u2019s watch.<\/p>\n

The agency acknowledged it \u201cdidn\u2019t think [pausing food vouchers] was a good solution\u201d but implemented it anyway. When pressed, UNHCR said in an email that it had \u201cexpressed deep concern\u201d about its own suspension of food rations. The agency resumed food rations in summer 2025, but limited them to just 270 people it deems \u201cmost vulnerable.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cUNHCR\u2019s role is very weak, they treat us without humanity,\u201d a Sudanese man held in the camp for more than seven years told me.<\/p>\n

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Protesters at Agadez refugee center are demanding resettlement, improved living conditions and freedom of movement. (Amir Abdulkrem \/ @RefugeesNiger)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

UNHCR did not respond when asked why it has consistently failed to prevent violent crackdowns in the camps it operates, despite its legal mandate to protect<\/a> refugees.<\/p>\n

On May, 25 2022, a 27-year-old man, Musab Muhammad, was shot dead<\/a> at the center\u2019s children\u2019s school. Authorities tried to force his widow to sign a false death certificate claiming he was killed by a stone, but she refused. UNHCR supported the government\u2019s claim that he had not been shot. But multiple witnesses confirmed the details of the incident \u2014 that security forces shot him, unarmed. \u201cWe refugees heard shooting, officers were firing tear gas and live bullets, they killed our brother in cold blood,\u201d one man in the camp said.<\/p>\n

Reached for comment about Muhammad\u2019s death, a UNHCR spokesperson said that \u201cUNHCR deeply regrets the loss of life and the suffering\u201d and \u201cas a general principle \u2026 condemns the use of excessive force against refugees.\u201d The spokesperson said that UNHCR provided Muhammad\u2019s family with burial costs and \u201cpsychosocial support and counselling,\u201d but \u201cdoes not have the authority to conduct criminal investigations of use of force by Nigerien authorities.\u201d<\/p>\n

According to sources in the camp, medical care is also substandard. A health clinic nine miles\u00a0 away provides only about 10 percent of promised services, detainees said. They said that they also lack access to translators or ambulance service from the camp to the clinic.<\/p>\n

A spokesperson for the National Refugee Committee says eight residents in total have died since 2024 of preventable causes, including hemorrhage and anemia. Their families granted permission to share their names.<\/p>\n

On April 30, 2025, Saeed Ahmed, 34, a key organizer in the camp, died of anemia. Sources say that the health center was closed when he arrived, and then doctors failed to treat him. \u201cSaeed was happy with his friends, a fighter,\u201d said Amir, a former detainee.<\/p>\n

The other seven were Makina Wadi, 35, who died of severe postpartum hemorrhage with no doctor attending; Mohamed Abdallah and Abdallah Hashim, both 27, friends who met in detention in Libya before being forcibly deported to Niger; Imad Yousif, 30, described as someone who always demanded his rights and defended the rights of others; Nour Alhuda Musa, 28, a mother of five; Zubeida Abdelgabar, 33, a widow and mother of one; and Zahra Dawood, 33, a mother of three.<\/p>\n

Asked for comment, UNHCR maintained that all cases of illness receive medical follow-up and that \u201caccess to health care is ensured through a protocol with the Agadez Commune Sanitary District. \u2026 The health and well-being of asylum-seekers and refugees\u00a0remain\u00a0our\u00a0priority,\u00a0and any loss of life is deeply regrettable.\u201d\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

The colonial continuum<\/h4>\n

Many observers note a disparity between the treatment of people fleeing wars in Africa and that of Ukrainian asylum-seekers. The fact that \u201csome refugees are afforded full protection and rights, and others are not, demonstrates what many refugees experience as colonial continuity and segregation within the international protection regime,\u201d Yambio said. \u201cDuring displacement of Ukrainian refugees, UNHCR publicly and behind closed doors engaged European institutions, EU member states and the UK to establish exceptional protection mechanisms.\u201d So why isn\u2019t UNHCR doing the same for brown and Black refugees in Africa?<\/p>\n

The situation in Agadez can\u2019t be understood in isolation. Refugees are fleeing wars fueled by the very forces that extract Africa\u2019s resources and keep people trapped. The roots of modern tensions in Sudan lay in the policies implemented by the British colonial administration between 1899-1956, which divided the area along racial lines, privileging Arab-identifying groups in the north, while marginalizing African communities in the south and west, including Darfur. This divide and rule legacy, embedded in post-independence governance has fueled cycles of violence and displacement ever since.<\/p>\n

External exploitation of the African continent continues. The United Arab Emirates, or UAE, fuels the Sudanese civil war by arming the RSF \u2014\u00a0who are accused of committing war crimes and genocide \u2014 with weaponry procured from U.S. arms manufacturers<\/a>. The UAE\u2019s motivations are strategic and economic securing access to Sudan\u2019s gold and regional influence, while millions of Sudanese people are displaced.<\/p>\n

This is no accident of history, but a pattern of extraction, destabilization and containment that mirrors colonialism. External powers fuel conflicts and extract Africa\u2019s minerals, while underfunding the facilities built to contain people fleeing the destruction they cause.<\/p>\n

The resettlement crisis is global, but the UN system is failing to respond effectively. In 2025, only 200<\/a> resettlement places were allocated for all of Niger, against an assessed need of more than 15,000. None of the 200 went to the refugees in Agadez, according to sources there.<\/p>\n

Reached for comment, UNHCR said that more than 700 refugees had been resettled from the center since 2018, but didn\u2019t dispute refugees\u2019 assertion that CNE is currently failing to process claims. UNHCR told protesters in Agadez, \u201cLess than 1 percent of refugees globally benefit from resettlement, so don\u2019t expect it.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Refugees at the UN camp in Agadez, Niger, on their 452nd day of protest.
\n(Amir Abdulkrem \/ @RefugeesNiger)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

UNHCR\u2019s former Special Envoy for the Central and Western Mediterranean Situation Vincent Cochetel<\/a> confirmed in March 2025 that the UN did not support \u201ca right to resettlement.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cThere are almost no resettlement opportunities in Niger and priority must be given to Malian and Nigerian refugees,\u201d he wrote on X.<\/p>\n

Asked by Waging Nonviolence<\/em> about the prospects of resettlement for those held Agadez, UNHCR said, \u201cThe final decision always rests with the third country, not with UNHCR.\u201d Effectively, a UN agency is declaring itself a neutered organization, with no power to resettle war refugees.<\/p>\n

The spread of containment<\/h4>\n

Agadez is no anomaly. It has effectively been the pilot for Europe\u2019s new Return Regulation<\/a>, passed in June 2026, which makes offshore detention an official policy.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt\u2019s not simply a humanitarian crisis or just operational failures of UNHCR, but a wider systemic mechanism in which refugees are increasingly contained rather than protected,\u201d Yambio said.<\/p>\n

This extends far beyond Agadez. \u201cUNHCR has repeatedly supported and agreed with governments implementing migration containment policies, embracing the Italy-Albania so-called return centers, the UK-Rwanda deportation deal, and blessed and congratulated Europe on its Return Regulation,\u201d Yambio said.<\/p>\n

UNHCR\u2019s own admissions reveal a confirmed pattern: awareness of abuses and choosing compliance over protection.<\/p>\n

\u201cResolving the situation in Agadez requires restoring refugee protection as the primary objective of international refugee law,\u201d Yambio said. \u201cIt requires UNHCR to recover the independence necessary to confront abusive states. It requires Europe to end policies of externalization.\u201d<\/p>\n

Neither the European Union nor the United Kingdom\u2019s ambassador to the UN responded to requests for comment.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhat begins with refugees rarely ends with refugees,\u201d Yambio continued. \u201cThe migration containment policies being developed today increasingly shape domestic legal systems tomorrow.\u201d As journalist Neal Ascherson wrote in a 1996 article<\/a> about the al-Masari affair: \u201cThe way a state treats its aliens is the way it would treat its own subjects if it dared.\u201d<\/p>\n

In the Sahara Desert, the nonviolent protests will continue, signs will still rise, the refugees still remain standing in the desert. Their words are clear: \u201cWe are human beings; we have the right to a decent life. Through pain and hope, we refugees of Agadez, Niger, don\u2019t want to stay here in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n

They are sharing the stories of how they fled wars and genocides and how they\u2019re seeking justice on X at @refugeesniger<\/a> @RefugeesTunisia<\/a> and @RefugeesinLibya<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The choice of nonviolence isn\u2019t incidental. In a system designed to render them invisible, protesters have chosen a strategy that forces the world to look. They have chosen to absorb violence without returning it, not as a form of passivity, but as a strategy grounded in their reality. Their discipline in the face of brutality lays bare the moral asymmetry of the system that claims to protect them while imprisoning them.<\/p>\n

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Matt Benson is a former British diplomat and civil servant who served across West Asia, Africa and South Asia, including postings in Bangladesh, Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti, Lebanon, Palestine, Pakistan and South Sudan. He quit after a 15-year career to become an investigative journalist focusing on indigenous struggle, government and institutional corruption, and resistance to fascism. He has written about conflicts, humanitarian emergencies, fragile states and the politics of resistance.<\/em><\/p>\n

Go to Original – wagingnonviolence.org<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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