Yes, I know. Uri Avnery has achieved many great things as a journalist and a peace activist. He has probably done more to educate people around the world about the terrible situation in the occupied Palestinian territories, and for longer, than any other single human being. And, to boot, he\u2019s celebrating his 90th birthday this week. So best wishes to him.<\/p>\n
Nonetheless, it is important to challenge the many fallacious claims Avnery makes to bolster the arguments in his latest article<\/a>, dismissing the growing comparisons being made between Israel and apartheid South Africa.<\/p>\n There is much to criticize in his weakly argued piece, based on a recent conversation with an unnamed \u201cexpert\u201d. Avnery, like many before him, makes the mistake of thinking that, by pointing out the differences between Israel and apartheid South Africa, he proves that Israel is not an apartheid state. But this is the ultimate straw-man argument. No one claims Israel is identical to South Africa. You don\u2019t need an expert to realize that.<\/p>\n When people call Israel an apartheid state, they are referring to the crime of apartheid as defined in international law. According to the 2002 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, apartheid comprises inhumane acts \u201ccommitted in the context of an institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over any other racial group or groups and committed with the intention of maintaining that regime\u201d.<\/p>\n So what color the victims of apartheid are, what proportion of the population they constitute, whether the economy depends on their productive labor, whether the early Zionists were socialists, whether the Palestinians have a Nelson Mandela, and so on have precisely zero relevance to determining whether Israel is an apartheid state.<\/p>\n A key distinction for Avnery is between \u201cIsrael proper\u201d and the occupied territories. In the territories, Avnery admits, there are some parallels with apartheid South Africa. But inside Israel, he thinks the comparison is outrageously unfair. Let\u2019s set aside the not-insignificant matter that Israel refuses to recognize its internationally defined borders; or that one of its major strategies is a colonial-style divide-and-rule policy that depends on establishing differences in rights for Palestinians under its rule as a way to better oppress them.<\/p>\n Avnery\u2019s motives in highlighting this territorial distinction should be clear. He believes the occupation is a crime and that it must end. But he also believes that Israel as a Jewish state should continue after the occupation ends. In fact, he sees the two matters as inextricably tied. In his view, Israel\u2019s long-term survival as a Jewish state depends on severing it from the occupied territories.<\/p>\n This concurs with fairly standard liberal Zionist ideology: segregation is seen as offering protection from demographic threats posed by non-Jews to the future success of the Jewish state, and has reached its apotheosis in the building of the West Bank wall and the disengagement from Gaza. Avnery is simply one of the most humane proponents of this line of thinking.<\/p>\n But for this reason, as I have argued before<\/a>, Avnery should be treated as an unreliable mentor and guide on matters relating to Palestinians inside Israel \u2013 the group that is hardest to deal with under a strictly segregationist approach.<\/p>\n Avnery is unlikely to treat criticism of \u201cIsrael proper\u201d, such as the apartheid comparison, based on the merits of the case. He reacts defensively. Admitting that Israel is an apartheid state inside its internationally recognized borders would undermine the legitimacy of his prized Jewish state. It would indicate that his life\u2019s work of campaigning for the creation of a Palestinian state to preserve his Jewish state was misguided, and probably harmful.<\/p>\n The most outrageous claim Avnery makes in the article, precisely to deflect attention from the problem of a self-defined Jewish state and its relations with a large Palestinian minority, is the following:<\/p>\n On the whole, the situation of the Arab minority inside Israel proper is much like that of many national minorities in Europe and elsewhere. They enjoy equality under the law, vote for parliament, are represented by very lively parties of their own, but in practice suffer discrimination in many areas. To call this apartheid would be grossly misleading.<\/p>\n One does not need to concede that the comparison with apartheid is right, both in the occupied territories and inside \u201cIsrael proper\u201d \u2013 though I do \u2013 to understand that it is, in fact, Avnery who is being grossly misleading here.<\/p>\n There is no sense in which Israel\u2019s treatment of its 1.5 million Palestinian citizens is comparable, as Avnery argues, to the situation of national minorities in European states. Palestinian citizens do not simply face unofficial, informal or spontaneous discrimination. It is structural, institutionalized and systematic.<\/p>\n Here are a few questions Avnery or those who agree with him need to answer:<\/p>\n Maybe Avnery can find the odd European state with one such perverse practice, or something similar. But I have no doubt he cannot find a European state that has more than one such characteristic. Israel has all of these and more; in fact, too many for me to enumerate them all.<\/p>\n So if Israel inside its recognized borders is nothing like European states or the United States, or any other state we usually classify as democratic, maybe Avnery or his supporters can explain exactly what kind of state Israel is like.<\/p>\n ________________________<\/p>\n Jonathan Cook is an award-winning British journalist based in Nazareth, Israel, since 2001. He is the author of: <\/i>Blood and Religion: The Unmasking of the Jewish State (2006); <\/i>Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East (2008); and <\/i>Disappearing Palestine: Israel\u2019s Experiments in Human Despair (2008). In 2011 he was awarded the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize<\/a> for Journalism.<\/i> The same year, Project Censored<\/a> voted one of Jonathan\u2019s reports, \u201cIsrael brings Gaza entry restrictions to West Bank\u201d, the ninth most important story censored in 2009-10.<\/i><\/i><\/p>\n RELATED POSTS<\/b><\/p>\n\n