Words More Than They Can Carry: Order, Revolution, Person, Federalism<\/i><\/p>\n
I knew Alexandre Marc in the early 1970s when he organized courses on federalism at a center in the Val d\u2019Aoste, a partly French-speaking region in the Italian Alps which has interesting forms of autonomy within the Italian state and at a center he founded in Nice in 1954.\u00a0 At the time, I worked closely with his friend, Denis de Rougemont who was organizing the Institute of European Studies in Geneva at the same time that I was helping to create a center for the study of developing countries, especially Africa, which is now part of the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies of the University of Geneva.<\/p>\n
Denis de Rougemont and Alexandre Marc had been close friends in the early 1930s in Paris when both were young writers and cooperated in founding two intellectual journals: L\u2019Ordre Nouveau <\/i>which ceased publication in the 1930s and Esprit <\/i>which is still published today and is closely associated with the thinking of one of its founding editors, Emmanuel Mounier.(1)<\/p>\n
Marc was born as Alexandre Markovitch Lipiansky in Odessa, Russia in 1904.\u00a0 He later simplified his name by dropping Lipiansky (which his sons have reclaimed) and modifying his father\u2019s first name to Marc which he used as a family name.\u00a0 His father was a Jewish banker and a non-communist socialist.\u00a0 Alexandre was a precocious activist. He was influenced by his early reading of F. Nietzsche, especially Thus Spoke Zarathustra.<\/i> He started a non-conformist student journal while still in secondary school during the Russian Revolution, asking for greater democracy and opposed to Marxist thought.\u00a0 This led to death threats made against him by the Communist authorities.<\/p>\n
The family left Russia in 1919 for France but not before Alexandre had seen some of the fighting and disorder of the Russian civil war.\u00a0 These impressions left a deep mark, and he was never tempted by the Russian communist effort as were other intellectuals in France who had not seen events close up.\u00a0 During part of the 1920s, Marc was in Germany studying philosophy where intellectual and philosophical debates were intense after the German defeat in the First World War and the great difficulties of the Weimar Republic.\u00a0 He saw the forerunners of the Nazi movement.\u00a0 Marc was always one to try to join thought and action, and he had gone back to Germany in 1932 to try to organize anti-Nazi German youth, but ideological divisions in Germany were strong.\u00a0 The Nazi were already too well organized and came to power the next year. Marc, having seen the destructive power of Nazi thought, was also never tempted by Right Wing or Fascist thought.<\/p>\n
Seeing the destructive potential of both Communist and Fascist thought and sensing the deep crisis of Western civilization, Marc was looking for new values that would include order, revolution, and the dignity of the person.\u00a0 There was no ready-made ideology which included all these elements, though two French thinkers \u2014 difficult to classify \u2014 did serve as models to Marc and to de Rougemont and some of the other editors of L\u2019Ordre Nouveau:<\/i> Charles P\u00e9guy and Proudhon . Marc wrote a book on the importance of P\u00e9guy at the start of the Second World War.\u00a0 Marc was living in Aix-en-Provence at the time, and the book was published in still unoccupied Marseilles in 1941. He also met in Paris Nicolas Berdiaeff, Jacques Maritain and Gabriel Marcel.\u00a0 It was from these meetings that the personalist doctrine of L\u2019Ordre Nouveau <\/i>was born. The rallying cry of personalism was \u201cWe are neither collectivists nor individualists but personalists \u2026the spiritual first and foremost, then the economic, with politics at the service of both of them\u201d.<\/p>\n
In 1943 when all of France was occupied, he was in danger of arrest both for his views and his Jewish origins. Although in 1933 Marc had become a Roman Catholic in part under the influence of intellectual Dominicans, for the Nazi occupiers \u2014 as well as for some of the French Vichy government \u2014 \u201conce a Jew, always a Jew\u201d.Therefore he left for Switzerland where he was able to get to know the working of Swiss federalism with its emphasis on democracy at the village and city level.\u00a0 He was also able to meet other exiles from all over Europe who had managed to get to Switzerland<\/p>\n
Alexandre Marc seemed destined to use words which took on other meanings when used by more popular writers.\u00a0 The name of the journal L\u2019Ordre Nouveau <\/i>was taken over after the Second World War by a French far-right nationalist movement influenced by a sort of neo-Celtic ideology and was widely known for painting Celtic cross graffiti on wall in the days before graffiti art filled up all the space.\u00a0 Revolution, especially after the Nazi-Fascist defeat, could only be considered in the broader society in its Marxist version.\u00a0 Person, which as a term had been developed by the Roman stoic philosophers could never carry the complexity of meanings which Marc, de Rougemont, and Mounier wanted to give it.\u00a0 The Jewish philosophers Martin Buber and Emmanuel Levinas also used the term \u201cpersonalism\u201d in the same sense as Marc, but their influence was limited to small circles.\u00a0 In fact, \u201cindividualism\u201d either seen positively or negatively, has returned as the most widely used term.\u00a0 In some ways, this difficulty with the popular perception of words exists with the way Marc uses \u201cfederalism\u201d.<\/p>\n
Alexandre Marc and Denis de Rougemont met again in Switzerland at the end of the Second World War when de Rougemont returned from spending the war years in the USA.\u00a0 They started reconnecting people whom they knew in the pre-war years who also saw the need for a total reformation of European society.\u00a0 Both de Rougemont and Marc were good organizers of meetings and committees, and they play an important role in 1947 and 1948 setting up the first meetings for the foundations of the European movement and the European federalists, especially the August 1947 meeting at Montreux, Switzerland in which world citizens were also present.<\/p>\n
Both men stressed the need for education and highlighted the role of youth to move European unity beyond the debates of the 1930s and the start of the Cold War, though both continued to stress the importance of the themes which brought them together in the 1930s.\u00a0 They were both founders of centers for the study of European federalism and an exploration of European values.\u00a0 Culture in the philosophical sense was crucial for both, and their efforts in Geneva and Nice were rather similar.\u00a0 Marc and de Rougemont had a personal falling out that lasted nearly a decade, due, it seems, to the tensions surrounding the break up of de Rougemont\u2019s first marriage.\u00a0 But even during this break, de Rougemont always spoke to me highly of Marc and his ideas.\u00a0 De Rougemont knew that I was seeing Marc and had an interest in the intellectual currents of France in the 1930s.\u00a0 The two men came together again later, especially after de Roughemont\u2019s happy second marriage.\u00a0 From his death bed, de Rougemont spoke to Marc on the telephone concerning the need to reprint the issues of L\u2019Order Nouveau <\/i>since the articles were still important. The reprinting has been done since.<\/p>\n
Both de Rougemont and Marc shared a distrust of European integration as it was being carried out within the European Community and later the European Union\u00a0 Both men stressed the need for local democracy, and shared a strong distrust of the politicians prominent in the nation-state system.\u00a0 De Rougemont went on to give most of his attention to the role of regions, especially the trans-frontier Geneva area which combines part of Switzerland and France and is an economic pole of attraction for the Italian Val d\u2019Aoste. Marc continued to stress what he called \u201cglobal\u201d or \u201cintegral\u201d federalism, a federalism with great autonomy and initiative at every level as over against \u201cHamiltonian\u201d federalism which he saw as the creation of ever larger entities such as the United States, whose culture and form of government Marc distrusted. Marc remarked that\u00a0 \u2018Hamiltonian federalism\u2019 as a whole was turning its back on spiritual, cultural and social questions and devoting itself to a form of action that can be defined as \u2018political\u2019 and underlined the contradiction that is inherent in the lobbying of governments on federalist issues.<\/p>\n
De Rougemont was the better writer. \u00a0His last book The Future is within Us,<\/i> though <\/i>\u00a0pessimistic, especially of political efforts, remains a useful summing up of his ideas. (2) Although Alexandre Marc wrote a good deal, his forms of expression were too complex, too paradoxical, too filled with references to ideas which are not fully explained to be popular.\u00a0 Marc\u2019s influence was primarily verbal as stimulant to his students.\u00a0 Having seen early in his life the dangers of totalitarian thought, he always stressed the need for dialogue and listening, for popular participation at all levels of decision-making. As with \u2018order\u2019 \u2018revolution\u2019 \u2018the person\u2019, \u2018federalism\u2019 was probably not the term he should have chosen to carry the wiight of his ideas. The other Alexander \u2014 Hamilton \u2014 has infused the word \u2018federalism\u2019 with the idea of unification of many smaller units.\u00a0 \u2018Popular participation\u2019 is probably a better term for Marc\u2019s ideas, if the word \u2018popular\u2019 could carry the complex structure which Marc tried to give to the word \u2018person\u2019.<\/p>\n
Marc was a complex man, one of the bridges who helped younger persons to understand the debates which surrounded the Russian Revolution, the rise and decline of Fascism and Nazism, and the post-Second World War hopes for a united Europe.\u00a0 As de Rougemont on his death bed said to Marc \u201cWe have been able to do nothing. We must start again. We must talk to the young. We must carry on.\u201d<\/p>\n
NOTES:<\/b><\/p>\n
(1) For the 1930s period see: Christian Roy Alexandre Marc et la Jeune Europe: L\u2019Ordre nouveau aux origins du personnalisme (<\/i>Presses d\u2019Europe, 1998) J. Laubet del Bayle Les non-conformistes des ann\u00e9es 30\u00a0: Une Tentative de renouvellement de la pens\u00e9e politique francaise<\/i> (Seuil, 1969) Michel Winock Esprit\u00a0: Des intellectuels dans la cit\u00e9 1930-1950 <\/i>(Seuil, 1996)<\/p>\n
(2) <\/i>Denis de Rougemont The Future is within US <\/i>\u00a0(Pergamon Press, 1983)<\/p>\n
____________________________<\/p>\n
Ren\u00e9 Wadlow, a member of the Fellowship of Reconciliation and of its Task Force on the Middle East, is president and U.N. representative (Geneva) of the Association of\u00a0World\u00a0Citizens. He is a member of the TRANSCEND Network for Peace, Development and Environment.<\/i><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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