1 March 2014<\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0[I]<\/b><\/p>\n
ANNIHILATION OF CASTE<\/i><\/b>\u00a0<\/b>is the nearly eighty-year-old text of a speech that was never delivered.*<\/a>\u00a0When I first read it I felt as though somebody had walked into a dim room and opened the windows. Reading Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar bridges the gap between what most Indians are schooled to believe in and the reality we experience every day of our lives.<\/p>\n My father was a Hindu, a Brahmo. I never met him until I was an adult. I grew up with my mother, in a Syrian Christian family in Ayemenem, a small village in communist-ruled Kerala. And yet all around me were the fissures and cracks of caste. Ayemenem had its own separate \u201cParayan\u201d church where \u201cParayan\u201d priests preached to an \u201cuntouchable\u201d congregation. Caste was implied in peoples\u2019 names, in the way people referred to each other, in the work they did, in the clothes they wore, in the marriages that were arranged, in the language we spoke. Even so, I never encountered the notion of caste in a single school textbook. Reading Ambedkar alerted me to a gaping hole in our pedagogical universe. Reading him also made it clear why that hole exists and why it will continue to exist until Indian society undergoes radical, revolutionary change.<\/p>\n Revolutions can, and often have, begun with reading.<\/p>\n Ambedkar was a prolific writer. Unfortunately his work, unlike the writings of Gandhi, Nehru or Vivekananda, does not shine out at you from the shelves of libraries and bookshops.<\/p>\n Of his many volumes, Annihilation of Caste<\/i> is his most radical text. It is not an argument directed at Hindu fundamentalists or extremists, but at those who consider themselves moderate, those whom Ambedkar called \u201cthe best of Hindus\u201d\u2014and some academics call \u201cleft-wing Hindus.\u201d1<\/sup><\/a> Ambedkar\u2019s point is that to believe in the Hindu shastras and to simultaneously think of oneself as liberal or moderate is a contradiction in terms.<\/p>\n When the text of Annihilation of Caste<\/i> was published, the man who is often called the \u201cgreatest of Hindus\u201d\u2014Mahatma Gandhi\u2014responded to Ambedkar\u2019s provocation. Their debate was not a new one. Both men were their generation\u2019s emissaries of a profound social, political and philosophical conflict that had begun long ago and has still by no means ended.<\/p>\n Ambedkar, the untouchable, was heir to an anticaste intellectual tradition that goes back to 200\u2013100 BCE. The practice of caste, which is believed to have its genesis in the Purusha Sukta hymn2<\/sup><\/a> in the Rig Veda (1200\u2013900 BCE), faced its first challenge only a thousand years later, when the Buddhists broke with caste by creating sanghas that admitted everybody, regardless of which caste they belonged to. Yet caste endured and evolved. In the mid-twelfth century, the Veerashaivas led by Basava challenged caste in South India, and were crushed. From the fourteenth century onwards, the beloved Bhakti poet-saints\u2014Cokhamela, Ravidas, Kabir, Tukaram, Mira, Janabai\u2014became, and remain, the poets of the anticaste tradition. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries came Jotirao Phule and his Satyashodhak Samaj in western India; Pandita Ramabai, perhaps India\u2019s first feminist, a Marathi Brahmin who rejected Hinduism and converted to Christianity (and challenged that, too); Swami Achutanand Harihar, who led the Adi Hindu movement, started the Bharatiya Achhut Mahasabha (Parliament of Indian Untouchables), and edited Achhut<\/i>, the first Dalit journal; Ayyankali and Sree Narayana Guru, who shook up the old order in Malabar and Travancore; and the iconoclast Iyothee Thass and his Sakya Buddhists, who ridiculed Brahmin supremacy in the Tamil world. Among Ambedkar\u2019s contemporaries in the anticaste tradition were E.V. Ramasamy Naicker, known as \u201cPeriyar\u201d in the Madras Presidency; Jogendranath Mandal of Bengal; and Babu Mangoo Ram, who founded the Ad Dharm movement in the Punjab that rejected both Sikhism and Hinduism. These were Ambedkar\u2019s people.<\/p>\n Gandhi, a Vaishya, born into a Gujarati Bania family, was the latest in a long tradition of privileged-caste Hindu reformers and their organisations: Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who founded the Brahmo Samaj in 1828; Swami Dayananda Saraswati, who founded the Arya Samaj in 1875; Swami Vivekananda, who established the Ramakrishna Mission in 1897; and a host of other, more contemporary reformist organisations.3<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Putting the Ambedkar\u2013Gandhi debate into context for those unfamiliar with its history and its protagonists will require detours into their very different political trajectories. For this was by no means just a theoretical debate between two men who held different opinions. Each represented very separate interest groups, and their battle unfolded in the heart of India\u2019s national movement. What they said and did continues to have an immense bearing on contemporary politics. Their differences were (and remain) irreconcilable. Both are deeply loved and often deified by their followers. It pleases neither constituency to have the other\u2019s story told, though the two are inextricably linked. Ambedkar was Gandhi\u2019s most formidable adversary. He challenged him not just politically or intellectually, but also morally. To have excised Ambedkar from Gandhi\u2019s story, which is the story we all grew up on, is a travesty. Equally, to ignore Gandhi while writing about Ambedkar is to do Ambedkar a disservice, because Gandhi loomed over Ambedkar\u2019s world in myriad and un-wonderful ways.<\/p>\n THE INDIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT, <\/b>as we know, had a stellar cast. It has even been the subject of a Hollywood blockbuster that won eight Oscars. In India, we have made a pastime of holding opinion polls and publishing books and magazines in which our constellation of founding fathers (mothers don\u2019t make the cut) are arranged and rearranged in various hierarchies and formations. Gandhi does have his bitter critics, but he still tops the charts. For others to even get a look-in, the Father of the Nation has to be segregated, put into a separate category: Who, after Mahatma Gandhi, is the greatest Indian?4<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Ambedkar (who, incidentally, did not even have a walk-on part in Richard Attenborough\u2019s Gandhi<\/i>, though the film was co-funded by the Indian government) almost always makes it into the final heat. He is chosen more for the part he played in drafting the Indian constitution than for the politics and the passion that were at the core of his life and thinking. You definitely get the sense that his presence on the lists is the result of positive discrimination, a desire to be politically correct. The caveats continue to be murmured: \u201copportunist\u201d (because he served as Labour Member of the British Viceroy\u2019s Executive Council, between 1942 and 1946), \u201cBritish stooge\u201d (because he accepted an invitation from the British government to the First Round Table Conference, in 1930, when Congressmen were being imprisoned for breaking the salt laws), \u201cseparatist\u201d (because he wanted separate electorates for untouchables), and \u201canti-national\u201d (because he endorsed the Muslim League\u2019s case for Pakistan, and because he suggested that Jammu and Kashmir be trifurcated).5<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Notwithstanding the name-calling, the fact is that neither Ambedkar nor Gandhi allows us to pin easy labels on them that say \u201cpro-imperialist\u201d or \u201canti-imperialist.\u201d Their conflict complicates and perhaps enriches our understanding of imperialism as well as the struggle against it.<\/p>\n History has been kind to Gandhi. He was deified by millions of people in his own lifetime. His godliness has become a universal and, it seems, eternal phenomenon. It\u2019s not just that the metaphor has outstripped the man. It has entirely reinvented him (which is why a critique of Gandhi need not automatically be taken to be a critique of all Gandhians). Gandhi has become all things to all people: Obama loves him and so does the Occupy movement. Anarchists love him and so does the establishment. Narendra Modi loves him and so does Rahul Gandhi. The poor love him and so do the rich.<\/p>\n He is the Saint of the Status Quo.<\/p>\n Gandhi\u2019s life and his writing\u201448,000 pages bound into 98 volumes of collected works\u2014have been disaggregated and carried off, event by event, sentence by sentence, until no coherent narrative remains, if indeed there ever was one. The trouble is that Gandhi actually said everything and its opposite. To cherry pickers, he offers such a bewildering variety of cherries that you have to wonder if there was something the matter with the tree.<\/p>\n For example, there\u2019s his well-known description of an Arcadian paradise in \u201cThe Pyramid vs. the Oceanic Circle,\u201d written in 1946:<\/p>\n Independence must begin at the bottom. Thus every village will be a republic or panchayat having full powers. It follows, therefore, that every village has to be self-sustained and capable of managing its affairs even to the extent of defending itself against the whole world\u2026 In this structure composed of innumerable villages there will be ever-widening, never-ascending circles. Life will not be a pyramid with the apex sustained by the bottom. But it will be an oceanic circle whose centre will be the individual always ready to perish for the village\u2026 Therefore the outermost circumference will not wield power to crush the inner circle but will give strength to all within and derive its own strength from it.6<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Then there is his endorsement of the caste system in 1921 in Navajivan<\/i>. It is translated from Gujarati by Ambedkar (who suggested more than once that Gandhi \u201cdeceived\u201d people, and that his writings in English and Gujarati could be productively compared):7<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Caste is another name for control. Caste puts a limit on enjoyment. Caste does not allow a person to transgress caste limits in pursuit of his enjoyment. That is the meaning of such caste restrictions as inter-dining and inter-marriage\u2026 These being my views I am opposed to all those who are out to destroy the Caste System.8<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Is this not the very antithesis of \u201cever-widening and never ascending circles\u201d?<\/p>\n It\u2019s true that these statements were made 25 years apart. Does that mean that Gandhi reformed, that he changed his views on caste? He did, at a glacial pace. From believing in the caste system in all its minutiae, he moved to saying that the four thousand separate castes should \u201cfuse\u201d themselves into the four varnas (what Ambedkar called the \u201cparent\u201d of the caste system). Towards the end of Gandhi\u2019s life (when his views were just views and did not run the risk of translating into political action), he said that he no longer objected to inter-dining and intermarriage between castes. Sometimes he said that though he believed in the varna system, a person\u2019s varna ought to be decided by their worth and not their birth (which was also the Arya Samaj position). Ambedkar pointed out the absurdity of this idea: \u201cHow are you going to compel people who have achieved a higher status based on their birth, without reference to their worth, to vacate that status? How are you going to compel people to recognise the status due to a man in accordance to his worth who is occupying a lower status based on his birth?\u201d9<\/sup><\/a> He went on to ask what would happen to women\u2014whether their status would be decided upon their own worth or their husbands\u2019 worth.<\/p>\n Notwithstanding stories and anecdotes from Gandhi\u2019s followers about Gandhi\u2019s love for untouchables and the inter-caste weddings he attended, in the 98 volumes of his writing, Gandhi never decisively and categorically renounced his belief in chaturvarna, the system of four varnas. Though he was given to apologising and agonising publicly and privately over things like occasional lapses in his control over his sexual desire,10<\/sup><\/a> he never agonised over the extremely damaging things he had said and done on caste.<\/p>\n Still, why not eschew the negative and concentrate instead on what was good about Gandhi, use it to bring out the best in people? It is a valid question, and one that those who have built shrines to Gandhi have probably answered for themselves. After all, it is possible to admire the work of great composers, writers, architects, sportspersons and musicians whose views are inimical to our own. The difference is that Gandhi was not a composer or writer or musician or sportsman. He offered himself to us as a visionary, a mystic, a moralist, a great humanitarian, the man who brought down a mighty empire armed only with Truth and Righteousness. How do we reconcile the idea of the non-violent Gandhi, the Gandhi who spoke truth to power, Gandhi the nemesis of injustice, the gentle Gandhi, the androgynous Gandhi, Gandhi the mother, the Gandhi who (allegedly) feminised politics and created space for women to enter the political arena, the eco-Gandhi, the Gandhi of the ready wit and some great one-liners\u2014how do we reconcile all this with Gandhi\u2019s views (and deeds) on caste? What do we do with this structure of moral righteousness that rests so comfortably on a foundation of utterly brutal, institutionalised injustice? Is it enough to say Gandhi was complicated, and let it go at that? There is no doubt that Gandhi was an extraordinary and fascinating man, but during India\u2019s struggle for freedom, did he really speak truth to power? Did he really ally himself with the poorest of the poor, the most vulnerable of his people?<\/p>\n \u201cIt is foolish to take solace in the fact that because the Congress is fighting for the freedom of India, it is, therefore, fighting for the freedom of the people of India and of the lowest of the low,\u201d Ambedkar said. \u201cThe question whether the Congress is fighting for freedom has very little importance as compared to the question for whose freedom is the Congress fighting.\u201d11<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n In 1931, when Ambedkar met Gandhi for the first time, Gandhi questioned him about his sharp criticism of the Congress (which, it was assumed, was tantamount to criticising the struggle for the homeland). \u201cGandhiji, I have no Homeland,\u201d was Ambedkar\u2019s famous reply. \u201cNo Untouchable worth the name will be proud of this land.\u201d12<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n History has been unkind to Ambedkar. First it contained him, and then it glorified him. It has made him India\u2019s Leader of the Untouchables, the king of the ghetto. It has hidden away his writings. It has stripped away the radical intellect and the searing insolence.<\/p>\n All the same, Ambedkar\u2019s followers have kept his legacy alive in creative ways. One of those ways is to turn him into a million mass-produced statues. The Ambedkar statue is a radical and animate object.13<\/sup><\/a> It has been sent forth into the world to claim the space\u2014both physical and virtual, public and private\u2014that is the Dalit\u2019s due. Dalits have used Ambedkar\u2019s statue to assert their civil rights\u2014to claim land that is owed them, water that is theirs, commons they are denied access to. The Ambedkar statue that is planted on the commons and rallied around always holds a book in its hand. Significantly, that book is not Annihilation of Caste<\/i> with its liberating, revolutionary rage. It is a copy of the Indian Constitution that Ambedkar played a vital role in conceptualising\u2014the document that now, for better or for worse, governs the life of every single Indian citizen.<\/p>\n Using the Constitution as a subversive object is one thing. Being limited by it is quite another. Ambedkar\u2019s circumstances forced him to be a revolutionary and to simultaneously put his foot in the door of the establishment whenever he got a chance to. His genius lay in his ability to use both these aspects of himself nimbly, and to great effect. Viewed through the prism of the present, however, it has meant that he left behind a dual and sometimes confusing legacy: Ambedkar the radical, and Ambedkar the father of the Indian Constitution. Constitutionalism can come in the way of revolution. And the Dalit revolution has not happened yet. We still await it. Before that there cannot be any other, not in India.<\/p>\n This is not to suggest that writing a constitution cannot be a radical act. It can be, it could have been, and Ambedkar tried his best to make it one. However, by his own admission, he did not entirely succeed.<\/p>\n As India hurtled towards independence, both Ambedkar and Gandhi were seriously concerned about the fate of minorities, particularly Muslims and untouchables, but they responded to the approaching birth of the new nation in very different ways. Gandhi distanced himself more and more from the business of nation building. For him, the Congress party\u2019s work was done. He wanted the party dissolved. He believed (quite rightly) that the state represented violence in a concentrated and organised form, that because it was not a human entity, because it was soulless, it owed its very existence to violence.14<\/sup><\/a> In Gandhi\u2019s understanding, swaraj<\/i>, or self-rule, lived in the moral heart of his people, though he made it clear that by \u201chis people\u201d he did not mean the majority community alone:<\/p>\n It has been said that Indian swaraj will be the rule of the majority community, i.e., the Hindus. There could not be a greater mistake than that. If it were to be true, I for one would refuse to call it swaraj and would fight it with all the strength at my command, for to me Hind Swaraj <\/i>is the rule of all the people, is the rule of justice.15<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n For Ambedkar, \u201cthe people\u201d was not a homogeneous category that glowed with the rosy hue of innate righteousness. He knew that, regardless of what Gandhi said, it would inevitably be the majority community that decided what form swaraj would take. The prospect of India\u2019s untouchables being ruled by nothing other than the moral heart of India\u2019s predominantly Hindu people filled him with foreboding. Ambedkar became anxious, even desperate, to manoeuvre himself into becoming a member of the Constituent Assembly, a position that would enable him to influence the shape and the spirit of the constitution for the emerging nation in real and practical ways. For this he was even prepared to set aside his pride, and his misgivings about his old foe, the Congress party.<\/p>\n Ambedkar\u2019s main concern was to privilege and legalise \u201cconstitutional morality\u201d over the traditional, social morality of the caste system. Speaking in the Constituent Assembly on 4 November 1948, he said, \u201cConstitutional morality is not a natural sentiment. It has to be cultivated. We must realise that our people have yet to learn it. Democracy in India is only a top-dressing on an Indian soil which is essentially undemocratic.\u201d16<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Ambedkar was seriously disappointed with the final draft of the constitution. Still, he did succeed in putting in place certain rights and safeguards that would, as far as the subordinated castes were concerned, make it a document that was more enlightened than the society it was drafted for. (For others, however, like India\u2019s adivasis, the constitution turned out to be just an extension of colonial practice.) Ambedkar thought of the constitution as a work in progress. Like Thomas Jefferson, he believed that unless every generation had the right to create a new constitution for itself, the earth would belong to \u201cthe dead and not the living.\u201d17<\/sup><\/a> (The trouble is that the living are not necessarily more progressive or enlightened than the dead. There are a number of forces today, political as well as commercial, that are lobbying to rewrite the constitution in utterly regressive ways.)<\/p>\n Though Ambedkar was a lawyer, he had no illusions about law-making. As law minister in post-independence India, he worked for months on a draft of the Hindu Code Bill. He believed that the caste system advanced itself by controlling women, and one of his major concerns was to make Hindu personal law more equitable for women.18<\/sup><\/a> The bill he proposed sanctioned divorce and expanded the property rights of widows and daughters. The Constituent Assembly dragged its feet over it for four years (from 1947 to 1951) and then blocked it.19<\/sup><\/a> The president, Rajendra Prasad, threatened to stall the bill\u2019s passage into law. Hindu sadhus laid siege to Parliament. Industrialists and zamindars warned they would withdraw their support in the coming elections.20<\/sup><\/a> Eventually Ambedkar resigned as law minister. In his resignation speech he said: \u201cTo leave inequality between class and class, between sex and sex, which is the soul of Hindu society, and to go on passing legislation relating to economic problems is to make a farce of our Constitution and to build a palace on a dung heap.\u201d21<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n More than anything else, what Ambedkar brought to a complicated, multifaceted political struggle, with more than its fair share of sectarianism, obscurantism and skulduggery, was intelligence.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n [II]<\/b><\/p>\n ANNIHILATION OF CASTE\u00a0<\/i><\/b>is the text of a speech Ambedkar was supposed to deliver in Lahore, in 1936, to an audience of privileged-caste Hindus. The organisation that had been bold enough to invite him to deliver its presidential address was the Jat-Pat Todak Mandal (the Forum for the Break-up of Caste) of Lahore, an offshoot of the Arya Samaj. Most of its members were privileged-caste Hindu reformers. They asked to be provided the text of the speech in advance, so that they could print and distribute it. When they read it and realised that Ambedkar was going to launch an intellectual assault on the Vedas and shastras, on Hinduism itself, they wrote to him:<\/p>\n Those of us who would like to see the conference terminate without any untoward incident would prefer that at least the word \u2018Veda\u2019 be left out for the time being. I leave this to your good sense. I hope, however, in your concluding paragraphs you will make it clear that the views expressed in the address are your own and that the responsibility does not lie on the Mandal.22<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Ambedkar refused to alter his speech, and so the event was cancelled. His text ought not to have come as such a surprise to the Mandal. Just a few months previously, on 13 October 1935, at the Depressed Classes Conference in Yeola in the Bombay Presidency (now in the state of Maharashtra), Ambedkar had told an audience of more than ten thousand people:<\/p>\n Because we have the misfortune of calling ourselves Hindus, we are treated thus. If we were members of another faith none would treat us so. Choose any religion which gives you equality of status and treatment. We shall repair our mistake now. I had the misfortune of being born with the stigma of an Untouchable. However, it is not my fault; but I will not die a Hindu, for this is in my power.23<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n At that particular moment in time, the threat of religious conversion by an untouchable leader of Ambedkar\u2019s standing came as the worst possible news to Hindu reformers.<\/p>\n Conversion was by no means new. Seeking to escape the stigma of caste, untouchable and other degraded labouring castes had begun to convert to other religions centuries ago. Millions had converted to Islam during the years of Muslim rule. Later, millions more had taken to Sikhism and Christianity. (Sadly, caste prejudice in the subcontinent trumps religious belief. Though their scriptures do not sanction it, elite Indian Muslims, Sikhs and Christians all practise caste discrimination.24<\/sup><\/a> Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal all have their own communities of untouchable sweepers. So does Kashmir.)<\/p>\n The mass conversion of oppressed-caste Hindus, particularly to Islam, continues to sit uncomfortably with Hindu supremacist history writing, which dwells on a golden age of Hinduism that was brought to naught by the cruelty and vandalism of Muslim rule.25<\/sup><\/a> Vandalism and cruelty there certainly was. Yet it meant different things to different people. Here is Jotirao Phule (1827\u20131890), the earliest of the modern anticaste intellectuals, on the subject of Muslim rule and of the so-called golden age of the Arya Bhats (Brahmins):<\/p>\n The Muslims, destroying the carved stone images of the cunning Arya Bhats, forcibly enslaved them and brought the Shudras and Ati-Shudras in great numbers out of their clutches and made them Muslims, including them in the Muslim Religion. Not only this, but they established inter-dining and intermarriage with them and gave them all equal rights. They made them all as happy as themselves and forced the Arya Bhats to see all this.26<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n By the turn of the century, however, religious conversion came to have completely different implications in India. A new set of unfamiliar considerations entered the mix. Opposing an unpopular regime was no longer just a question of a conquering army riding into the capital, overthrowing the monarch and taking the throne. The old idea of empire was metamorphosing into the new idea of the nation state. Modern governance now involved addressing the volatile question of the right to representation: who had the right to represent the Indian people? The Hindus, the Muslims, the Sikhs, the Christians, the privileged castes, the oppressed castes, the farmers, the workers? How would the \u201cself\u201d in self-rule\u2014the \u201cswa\u201d in swaraj\u2014be constituted? Who would decide? Suddenly, a people who belonged to an impossibly diverse range of races, castes, tribes and religions\u2014who, between them, spoke more than one thousand languages\u2014had to be transformed into modern citizens of a modern nation. The process of synthetic homogenisation began to have the opposite effect. Even as the modern Indian nation constituted itself, it began to fracture.<\/p>\n Under the new dispensation, demography became vitally important. The empirical taxonomy of the British census had solidified and freeze-dried the rigid but not entirely inflexible hierarchy of caste, adding its own prejudices and value judgements to the mix, classifying entire communities as \u201ccriminals\u201d and \u201cwarriors\u201d and so on. The untouchable castes were entered under the accounting head \u201cHindu.\u201d (In 1930, according to Ambedkar, the untouchables numbered about 44.5 million.27<\/sup><\/a> The population of African Americans in the United States around the same time was 8.8 million.) The large-scale exodus of untouchables from the Hindu fold would have been catastrophic for the \u201cHindu\u201d majority. In pre-partition, undivided Punjab, for example, between 1881 and 1941, the Hindu population dropped from 43.8 percent to 29.1 percent, due largely to the conversion of the subordinated castes to Islam, Sikhism and Christianity.28<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Hindu reformers hurried to stem this migration. The Arya Samaj, founded in 1875 by Dayananda Saraswati (born Mool Shankar, a Gujarati Brahmin from Kathiawar), was one of the earliest. It preached against the practice of untouchability and banned idol worship. Dayananda Saraswati initiated the Shuddhi programme in 1877, to \u201cpurify the impure,\u201d and, in the early nineteenth century, his disciples took this up on a mass scale in North India.<\/p>\n In 1899, Swami Vivekananda of the Ramakrishna Math\u2014the man who became famous in 1893 when he addressed the Parliament of the World\u2019s Religions in Chicago in his sadhu\u2019s robes\u2014said, \u201cEvery man going out of the Hindu pale is not only a man less, but an enemy the more.\u201d29<\/sup><\/a> A raft of new reformist outfits appeared in Punjab, committed to saving Hinduism by winning the hearts and minds of untouchables: the Shradhananda Dalituddhar Sabha, the All-India Achhutodhar Committee, the Punjab Achhut Udhar Mandal and the Jat-Pat Todak Mandal which was part of the Arya Samaj.30<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n The reformers\u2019 use of the words \u201cHindu\u201d and \u201cHinduism\u201d was new. Until then, they had been used by the British as well as the Mughals, but it was not the way people who were described as Hindus chose to describe themselves. Until the panic over demography began, they had always foregrounded their jati, their caste identity. \u201cThe first and foremost thing that must be recognised is that Hindu society is a myth. The name Hindu itself is a foreign name,\u201d said Ambedkar.<\/p>\n It was given by the Mohammedans to the natives [who lived east of the river Indus] for the purpose of distinguishing themselves. It does not occur in any Sanskrit work prior to the Mohammedan invasion. They did not feel the necessity of a common name, because they had no sense of their having constituted a community. Hindu society does not exist. It is just a collection of castes.31<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n When reformers began to use the word \u201cHindu\u201d to describe themselves and their organisations, it had less to do with religion than with trying to forge a unified political constitution out of a divided people. This explains the reformers\u2019 constant references to the \u201cHindu nation\u201d or the \u201cHindu race.\u201d32<\/sup><\/a> This political Hinduism later came to be called Hindutva.33<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n The issue of demography was addressed openly, and head-on. \u201cIn this country, the government is based on numbers,\u201d wrote the editor of Pratap<\/i>, a Kanpur newspaper, on 10 January 1921.<\/p>\n Shuddhi has become a matter of life and death for Hindus. The Muslims have grown from negative quantity into 70 million. The Christians number four million. 220 million Hindus are finding it hard to live because of 70 million Muslims. If their numbers increase only God knows what will happen. It is true that Shuddhi should be for religious purposes alone, but the Hindus have been obliged by other considerations as well to embrace their other brothers. If the Hindus do not wake up now, they will be finished.34<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Conservative Hindu organisations like the Hindu Mahasabha took the task beyond rhetoric, and against their own deeply held beliefs and practice began to proselytise energetically against untouchability. Untouchables had to be prevented from defecting. They had to be assimilated, their proteins broken down. They had to be brought into the big house, but kept in the servants\u2019 quarters. Here is Ambedkar on the subject:<\/p>\n It is true that Hinduism can absorb many things. The beef-eating Hinduism (or strictly speaking Brahminism which is the proper name of Hinduism in its earlier stage) absorbed the non-violence theory of Buddhism and became a religion of vegetarianism. But there is one thing which Hinduism has never been able to do\u2014namely to adjust itself to absorb the Untouchables or to remove the bar of untouchability.35<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n While the Hindu reformers went about their business, anticaste movements led by untouchables began to organise themselves too. Swami Acchhutanand Harihar presented the Prince of Wales with a charter of 17 demands including land reform, separate schools for untouchable children and separate electorates. Another well-known figure was Babu Mangoo Ram. He was a member of the revolutionary, anti-imperialist Ghadar Party established in 1913, predominantly by Punjabi migrants in the United States and Canada. Ghadar (\u201cRevolt\u201d) was an international movement of Punjabi Indians who had been inspired by the 1857 Mutiny, also called the First War of Independence. Its aim was to overthrow the British by means of armed struggle. (It was, in some ways, India\u2019s first communist party. Unlike the Congress, which had an urban, privileged-caste leadership, the Ghadar Party was closely linked to the Punjab peasantry. Though it has ceased to exist, its memory continues to be a rallying point for several left-wing revolutionary parties in Punjab.) However, when Babu Mangoo Ram returned to India after a decade in the United States, the caste system was waiting for him. He found he was untouchable again.36<\/sup><\/a> In 1926, he founded the Ad Dharm movement, with Ravidas, the Bhakti sant, as its spiritual hero. Ad Dharmis declared that they were neither Sikh nor Hindu. Many Untouchables left the Arya Samaj to join the Ad Dharm movement.37<\/sup><\/a> Babu Mangoo Ram went on to become a comrade of Ambedkar\u2019s.<\/p>\n The anxiety over demography made for turbulent politics. There were other lethal games afoot. The British government had given itself the right to rule India by imperial fiat and had consolidated its power by working closely with the Indian elite, taking care never to upset the status quo.38<\/sup><\/a> It had drained the wealth of a once-wealthy subcontinent\u2014or, shall we say, drained the wealth of the elite in a once-wealthy subcontinent. It had caused famines in which millions had died while the British government exported food to England.39<\/sup><\/a> None of that stopped it from also lighting sly fires that ignited caste and communal tension. In 1905, it partitioned Bengal along communal lines. In 1909, it passed the Morley-Minto reforms, granting Muslims a separate electorate in the central and provincial legislative councils. It began to question the moral and political legitimacy of anybody who opposed it. How could a people who practised something as primitive as untouchability talk of self-rule? How could the Congress party, run by elite, privileged-caste Hindus, claim to represent the Muslims? Or the untouchables? Coming from the British government, it was surely wicked, but even wicked questions need answers.<\/p>\n The person who stepped into the widening breach was perhaps the most consummate politician the modern world has ever known\u2014Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. If the British had their imperial mandate to raise them above the fray, Gandhi had his mahatmahood.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n [III]<\/b><\/p>\n FOR MORE THAN THIRTY-FIVE YEARS BEFORE THAT,<\/b> Gandhi\u2019s mahatmahood had billowed like a sail in the winds of the national movement. He captured the world\u2019s imagination. He roused hundreds of thousands of people into direct political action. He was the cynosure of all eyes, the voice of the nation. In 1931, at the Second Round Table Conference in London, Gandhi claimed\u2014with complete equanimity\u2014that he represented all of India. At the conference, in his first public confrontation with Ambedkar (over Ambedkar\u2019s proposal for a separate electorate for untouchables), Gandhi felt able to say, \u201cI claim myself in my own person to represent the vast mass of Untouchables.\u201d40<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n How could a privileged-caste Bania claim that he, in his own person, represented 45 million Indian untouchables unless he believed he actually was a mahatma? Mahatmahood provided Gandhi with an amplitude that was not available to ordinary mortals. It allowed him to use his \u201cinner voice\u201d affectively, effectively, and often. It allowed him the bandwidth to make daily broadcasts on the state of his hygiene, his diet, his bowel movements, his enemas and his sex life, and to draw the public into a net of prurient intimacy that he could then use and manipulate when he embarked on his fasts and other public acts of self-punishment. It permitted him to contradict himself constantly and then say: \u201cMy aim is not to be consistent with my previous statements on a given question, but to be consistent with the truth as it may present itself to me in a given moment. The result has been that I have grown from truth to truth.\u201d41<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Ordinary politicians oscillate from political expediency to political expediency. A mahatma can grow from truth to truth.<\/p>\n How did Gandhi come to be called a mahatma? Did he begin with the compassion and egalitarian instincts of a saint? Did they come to him along the way?<\/p>\n In his recent biography of Gandhi, the historian Ramachandra Guha argues that it was the two decades he spent working in South Africa that made Gandhi a mahatma.42<\/sup><\/a> His canonisation\u2014the first time he was publicly called Mahatma\u2014was in 1915, soon after he returned from South Africa to begin work in India, at a meeting in Gondal, close to his hometown, Porbandar, in Gujarat.43<\/sup><\/a> At the time, few in India knew more than some very sketchy, rather inaccurate accounts of the struggles he had been engaged in. These need to be examined in some detail because whether or not they made him a mahatma, they certainly shaped and defined his views on caste, race and imperialism. His views on race presaged his views on caste. What happened in South Africa continues to have serious implications for the Indian community there. Fortunately, we have the Mahatma\u2019s own words (and inconsistencies) to give us the detail and texture of those years.44<\/sup><\/a> To generations who have been raised on a diet of Gandhi hagiographies (including myself), to learn of what happened in South Africa is not just disturbing, it is almost stupefying.<\/p>\n GANDHI, 24 YEARS OLD AND TRAINED<\/b> as a lawyer at London\u2019s Inner Temple, arrived in South Africa in May 1893. He had a job as legal adviser to a wealthy Gujarati Muslim merchant. Imperial Britain was tightening its grip on the African continent. Gandhi was unkindly jolted into political awakening a few months after he arrived. Half the story is legendary: Gandhi was thrown out of a \u201cWhites only\u201d first-class coach of a train in Pietermaritzburg. The other half of the story is less known: Gandhi was not offended by racial segregation. He was offended that \u201cpassenger Indians\u201d\u2014Indian merchants who were predominantly Muslim but also privileged-caste Hindus\u2014who had come to South Africa to do business, were being treated on a par with native black Africans. Gandhi\u2019s argument was that passenger Indians came to Natal as British subjects and were entitled to equal treatment on the basis of Queen Victoria\u2019s 1858 proclamation, which asserted the equality of all imperial subjects.<\/p>\n In 1894, he became secretary of the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), which was founded and funded by rich Indian merchants and traders. The membership fee, of three pounds, was a princely sum that meant the NIC would remain an elite club.45<\/sup><\/a> \u00a0(For a sense of proportion: 12 years later, the Zulus would rise in rebellion against the British for imposing an unaffordable one-pound poll tax on them.)<\/p>\n One of the earliest political victories for the NIC came in 1895 with a \u201csolution\u201d to what was known as the Durban Post Office problem. The post office had only two entrances: one for blacks and one for whites. Gandhi petitioned the authorities and had a third entrance opened so that Indians did not need to use the same entrance as the \u201cKaffirs.\u201d46<\/sup><\/a> In an open letter to the Natal Legislative Assembly dated 19 December 1894, he says that both the English and the Indians \u201cspring from common stock, called the Indo-Aryan,\u201d and cites Max M\u00fcller, Arthur Schopenhauer and William Jones to buttress his argument. He complains that the \u201cIndian is being dragged down to the position of a raw Kaffir.\u201d47<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n As spokesman for the Indian community, Gandhi was always careful to distinguish\u2014and distance\u2014passenger Indians from indentured workers:<\/p>\n Whether they are Hindus or Mahommedans, they are absolutely without any moral or religious instruction worthy of the name. They have not learned enough to educate themselves without any outside help. Placed thus, they are apt to yield to the slightest temptation to tell a lie. After some time, lying with them becomes a habit and a disease. They would lie without any reason, without any prospect of bettering themselves materially, indeed, without knowing what they are doing. They reach a stage in life when their moral faculties have completely collapsed owing to neglect.48<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n The Indian indentured labourers whose \u201cmoral faculties\u201d were in such a state of collapse were largely from the subordinated castes and lived and worked in conditions of virtual slavery, incarcerated on sugar cane farms. They were flogged, starved, imprisoned, often sexually abused, and died in great numbers.49<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Gandhi soon became the most prominent spokesperson for the cause of the passenger Indians. In 1896, he travelled to India where he addressed packed\u2014and increasingly indignant\u2014meetings about the racism that Indians were being subjected to in South Africa. At the time, the White regime was getting increasingly anxious about the rapidly expanding Indian population. For them Gandhi was the leader of the \u201ccoolies\u201d\u2014their name for all Indians.50<\/sup><\/a> In a perverse sense, their racism was inclusive; it didn\u2019t notice the distinctions that Gandhi went to such great lengths to make.<\/p>\n When Gandhi returned to Durban, the news of his campaign had preceded him. His ship was met by thousands of hostile white demonstrators, who refused to let it dock. It took several days of negotiations before Gandhi was allowed to disembark. On his way home, on 12 January 1897, he was attacked and beaten. He bore the attack with fortitude and dignity.51<\/sup><\/a> Two days later, in an interview to The Natal Advertiser<\/i>, Gandhi once again distanced himself from the \u201ccoolies\u201d:<\/p>\n I have said most emphatically, in the pamphlets and elsewhere, that the treatment of the indentured Indians is no worse or better in Natal than they receive in any other parts of the world. I have never endeavoured to show that the indentured Indians have been receiving cruel treatment.52<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n IN 1899,<\/b> the British went to war with Dutch settlers over the spoils of South Africa. Diamonds had been discovered in Kimberley in 1870, and gold on the Witwatersrand in 1886. The Anglo-Boer War, as it was called then, is known more properly today as the South African War or the White Man\u2019s War. Thousands of black Africans and indentured Indian labourers were dragooned into the armies on either side. The Indians were not given arms, so they worked as menials and stretcher-bearers. Gandhi and a band of passenger Indians, who felt it was their responsibility as imperial subjects, volunteered their services to the British. Gandhi was enlisted in the Ambulance Corps.<\/p>\n It was a brutal war in which British troops fought Boer guerrillas. The British burnt down thousands of Boer farms, slaughtering people and cattle as they swept through the land. Tens of thousands of \u200a\u200aBoer civilians, mostly women and children, were moved into concentration camps, in which almost thirty thousand people died. Many simply starved to death.53<\/sup><\/a> These concentration camps were the first of their kind, the progenitors of Hitler\u2019s extermination camps for Jews. Several years later, after he returned to India, when Gandhi wrote about the South African war in his memoirs, he suggested that the prisoners in the camps were practicing a cheerful form of satyagraha (which was the course of action he prescribed to the Jews of Germany too):54<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Boer women understood that their religion required them to suffer in order to preserve their independence, and therefore, patiently and cheerfully endured all hardships\u2026 They starved, they suffered biting cold and scorching heat. Sometimes a soldier intoxicated by liquor or maddened by passion might even assault these unprotected women. Still the brave women did not flinch.55<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n After the war, the British announced that their troops would be given a slab each of \u201cQueen\u2019s Chocolate\u201d as a reward for their bravery. Gandhi wrote a letter to the Colonial Secretary to ask for the largesse to be extended to the Ambulance Corps leaders, who had volunteered without pay: \u201cIt will be greatly appreciated by them and prized as a treasure if the terms under which the gift has been graciously made by Her Majesty would allow of its distribution among the Indian leaders.\u201d56<\/sup><\/a> The Colonial Secretary replied curtly to say that the chocolate was only for non-commissioned officers.<\/p>\n In 1901, with the Boer War now behind him, Gandhi spoke of how the objectives of the Natal Indian Congress were to achieve a better understanding between the English and the Indians. He said he was looking forward to an \u201cImperial Brotherhood,\u201d towards which \u201ceveryone who was the friend of the Empire should aim.\u201d57<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n This was not to be. The Boers managed to out-manoeuvre and out-brotherhood Gandhi. In 1902, they signed the Treaty of Vereeniging with the British. According to the treaty, the Boer republics of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State became colonies of the British Empire under the sovereignty of the British Crown. In return, the British government agreed to give the colonies self-rule. The Boers became the British government\u2019s brutal lieutenants. Jan Smuts, once a dreaded Boer \u201cterrorist,\u201d switched sides and eventually led the British Army of South Africa in the First World War. The white folks made peace. They divided the diamonds, the gold and the land between themselves. Blacks, Indians and \u201ccoloureds\u201d were left out of the equation.<\/p>\n Gandhi was not deterred. A few years after the South African War, he once again volunteered for active service.<\/p>\n In 1906, the Zulu chief Bambatha kaMancinza\u00a0led his people in an uprising against the British government\u2019s newly imposed one-pound poll tax. The Zulus and the British were old enemies and had fought each other before. In 1879, the Zulus had routed the British Army when it attacked the Zulu kingdom, a victory that put the Zulu on the world map. Over the years, because they could not match the firepower of British troops, they were conquered and driven off their land. Still, they refused to work on the white man\u2019s farms; which is why indentured labour was shipped in from India. Time and again, the Zulus had risen up. During the Bambatha Rebellion, the rebels, armed only with spears and cowhide shields, fought British troops equipped with modern artillery.<\/p>\n As the news of the rebellion came in, Gandhi published a series of letters in Indian Opinion<\/i>, a newspaper, published in four languages, he had started in 1903. (One of its chief benefactors was Sir Ratanji Jamsetji Tata of the Tata industrial empire.) In a letter dated 18 November 1905, Gandhi said:<\/p>\n At the time of the Boer War, it will be remembered, the Indians volunteered to do any work that might be entrusted to them, and it was with great difficulty that they could get their services accepted even for ambulance work. General Butler has certified as to what kind of work the Natal Indian Volunteer Ambulance Corps did. If the Government only realised what reserve force is being wasted, they would make use of it and would give Indians a thorough training for actual warfare.58<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n On 14 April 1906, Gandhi wrote again in Indian Opinion<\/i> (translated from Gujarati):<\/p>\n What is our duty during these calamitous times in the Colony? It is not for us to say whether the revolt of the Kaffirs [Zulus] is justified or not. We are in Natal by virtue of British Power. Our very existence depends on it. It is therefore our duty to render whatever help we can. There was a discussion in the Press as to what part the Indian community would play in the event of an actual war. We have already declared in the English columns of this journal that the Indian community is prepared to play its part; and we believe what we did during the Boer War should also be done now.59<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n The rebellion was eventually contained. Chief Bambatha was captured and beheaded. Four thousand Zulus were killed, thousands more flogged and imprisoned. Even Winston Churchill, master of war, at the time under secretary of state, was disturbed by the violence. He said: \u201cIt is my duty to warn the Secretary of State that this further disgusting butchery will excite in all probability great disapproval in the House of Commons\u2026 The score between black and white stands at present at about 3500 to 8.\u201d60<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Gandhi, on his part, never regretted the role he played in the White Man\u2019s War and in the Bambatha uprising. He just reimagined it. Years later, in 1928, in Satyagraha in South Africa<\/i>,61<\/sup><\/a> the memoirs he wrote in Yerawada Central Jail, both stories had, shall we say, evolved. By then the chessmen on the board had moved around. Gandhi had turned against the British. In his new account, the truth about the stretcher-bearer corps in the Bambatha Rebellion had grown into another \u201ctruth\u201d:<\/p>\n The Zulu \u201crebellion\u201d broke out just while attempts were being made to impose further disabilities upon Indians in the Transvaal \u2026 therefore I made an offer to the Government to raise a Stretcher-bearer Corps for service with the troops\u2026 The corps was on active service for a month\u2026 We had to cleanse the wounds of several Zulus which had not been attended to for as many as five or six days and were therefore stinking horribly. We liked the work. The Zulus could not talk to us, but from their gestures and the expression in their eyes they seemed to feel as if God had sent them our succour.62<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n The retrospectively constructed image of the flogged, defeated Zulu\u2014a dumb animal conveying his gratitude to God\u2019s missionaries of peace\u2014is completely at odds, as we shall see, with his views about Zulus that were published in the pages of his newspapers during those years. In Gandhi\u2019s re-imagining of the story of the Bambatha Rebellion, the broken Zulu becomes the inspiration for another of his causes: celibacy.<\/p>\n While I was working with the Corps, two ideas which had long been floating in my mind became firmly fixed. First, an aspirant after a life exclusively devoted to service must lead a life of celibacy. Second, he must accept poverty as a constant companion through life. He may not take up any occupation which would prevent him or make him shrink from undertaking the lowliest of duties or largest risks.63<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Gandhi\u2019s experiments with poverty and celibacy began in the Phoenix Settlement, a commune he had set up in 1904. It was built on a hundred-acre plot of land in the heart of Natal amidst the sugar fields that were worked by Indian indentured labour. The members of the commune included a few Europeans and (non-indentured) Indians, but no black Africans.<\/p>\n IN SEPTEMBER 1906, <\/b>only months after the Bambatha Rebellion, despite his offers of friendship and his demonstrations of loyalty, Gandhi was let down once again. The British government passed the Transvaal Asiatic Law Amendment Act. Its purpose was to control Indian merchants (who were regarded as competition to white traders) from entering the Transvaal.64<\/sup><\/a> Every Asian had to register and produce on demand a thumb-printed certificate of identity. Unregistered people were liable to be deported. There was no right of appeal. Suddenly, a community whose leader had been dreaming of an \u201cImperial Brotherhood\u201d had been once again reduced \u201cto a status lower than that of the aboriginal races of South Africa and the Coloured People.\u201d65<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Gandhi led the struggle of the passenger Indians bravely, and from the front. Two thousand people burned their passes in a public bonfire; Gandhi was assaulted mercilessly, arrested and imprisoned. And then his nightmares became a reality. The man who could not bear to even share the entrance to a post office with \u201cKaffirs\u201d now had to share a prison cell with them:<\/p>\n We were all prepared for hardships, but not quite for this experience. We could understand not being classed with the Whites, but to be placed on the same level with the Natives seemed to be too much to put up with. I then felt that Indians had not launched our passive resistance too soon. Here was further proof that the obnoxious law was meant to emasculate the Indians\u2026 Apart from whether or not this implies degradation, I must say it is rather dangerous. Kaffirs as a rule are uncivilised\u2014the convicts even more so. They are troublesome, very dirty and live almost like animals.66<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n A year later, the sixteenth of the 20 years he spent in South Africa, he wrote \u201cMy Second Experience in Gaol\u201d in the Indian Opinion<\/i> (16 January 1909):<\/p>\n I was given a bed in a cell where there were mostly Kaffir prisoners who had been lying ill. I spent the night in this cell in great misery and fear\u2026 I read the Bhagvad Gita<\/i> which I had carried with me. I read the verses which had a bearing on my situation and meditating on them, managed to compose myself. The reason why I felt so uneasy was that the Kaffir and Chinese prisoners appeared to be wild, murderous and given to immoral ways\u2026 He [the Chinese] appeared to be worse. He came near the bed and looked closely at me. I kept still. Then he went to a Kaffir lying in bed. The two exchanged obscene jokes, uncovering each other\u2019s genitals\u2026 I have resolved in my mind on an agitation to ensure that Indian prisoners are not lodged with Kaffirs or others. We cannot ignore the fact that there is no common ground between them and us. Moreover those who wish to sleep in the same room as them have ulterior motives for doing so.67<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n From inside jail Gandhi began to petition the White authorities for separate wards in prisons. He led battles demanding segregation on many counts: he wanted separate blankets because he worried that \u201ca blanket that has been used by the dirtiest of Kaffirs may later fall to an Indian\u2019s lot.\u201d68<\/sup><\/a> He wanted prison meals specially suited to Indians\u2014rice served with ghee69<\/sup><\/a>\u2014and refused to eat the \u201cmealie pap\u201d that the \u201cKaffirs\u201d seemed to relish. He also agitated for separate lavatories for Indian prisoners.70<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Twenty years later, in 1928, the truth about all this had transmogrified into another story altogether. Responding to a proposal for segregated education for Indians and Africans in South Africa, Gandhi wrote:<\/p>\n Indians have too much in common with the Africans to think of isolating themselves from them. They cannot exist in South Africa for any length of time without the active sympathy and friendship of the Africans. I am not aware of the general body of the Indians having ever adopted an air of superiority towards their African brethren, and it would be a tragedy if any such movement were to gain ground among the Indian settlers of South Africa.71<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Then, in 1939, disagreeing with Jawaharlal Nehru, who believed that black Africans and Indians should stand together against the white regime in South Africa, Gandhi contradicted himself once more: \u201cHowever much one may sympathise with the Bantus, Indians cannot make common cause with them.\u201d72<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Gandhi was an educated, well-travelled man. He would have been aware of the winds that were blowing in other parts of the world. His disgraceful words about Africans were written around the same time W.E.B. Du Bois wrote The Souls of Black Folk<\/i>: \u201cOne ever feels this two-ness\u2014an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two un-reconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.\u201d73<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Gandhi\u2019s attempts to collaborate with a colonial regime were taking place at the same time that the anarchist Emma Goldman was saying:<\/p>\n The centralisation of power has brought into being an international feeling of solidarity among the oppressed nations of the world; a solidarity which represents a greater harmony of interests between the working man of America and his brothers abroad than between the American miner and his exploiting compatriot; a solidarity which fears not foreign invasion, because it is bringing all the workers to the point when they will say to their masters, \u201cGo and do your own killing. We have done it long enough for you.\u201d74<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Pandita Ramabai (1858\u20131922), Gandhi\u2019s contemporary from India, did not have his unfortunate instincts. Though she was born a Brahmin, she renounced Hinduism for its patriarchy and its practice of caste, became a Christian, and quarrelled with the Anglican church, too, earning a place of pride in India\u2019s anticaste tradition. She travelled to the US in 1886 where she met Harriet Tubman, who had once been a slave, whom she admired more than anybody she had ever met. Contrast Gandhi\u2019s attitude towards the African people to Pandita Ramabai\u2019s description of her meeting with Harriet Tubman:<\/p>\n Harriet still works. She has a little house of her own, where she and her husband live and work together for their own people\u2026 Harriet is very large and strong. She hugged me like a bear and shook me by the hand till my poor little hand ached!75<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n In 1873, Jotirao Phule dedicated his Gulamgiri<\/i> (Slavery) to<\/p>\n The good people of the United States as a token of admiration for their sublime disinterested and self sacrificing devotion in the cause of Negro Slavery; and with an earnest desire, that my countrymen may take their noble example as their guide in the emancipation of their Shudra Brothers from the trammels of Brahmin thraldom.76<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Phule\u2014who among other things, campaigned for widow remarriage, girls\u2019 education, and started a school for untouchables\u2014described how \u201cthe owners of slaves treated the slaves as beasts of burden, raining kicks and blows on them all the time and starving them,\u201d and how they would \u201charness the slaves as bullocks and make them plough the fields in the blazing sun.\u201d Phule believed that the Shudra and Ati-Shudra would understand slavery better than anyone else because \u201cthey have a direct experience of slavery as compared to the others who have never experienced it so; the Shudras were conquered and enslaved by the Brahmins.\u201d77<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n <\/p>\n [IV]<\/b><\/p>\n BY 1917,<\/b> Hindu reformers in India were wooing untouchables with an edge of desperation. The Congress had passed its resolution against untouchability. Both Gandhi, who had returned two years earlier, and the Congress leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak called untouchability a \u201cdisease\u201d that was antithetical to Hinduism. The first All-India Depressed Classes Conference was held in Bombay, presided over by Ambedkar\u2019s patron and mentor, Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad, and attended by several luminaries of the time, including Tilak. They passed the All-India Anti-Untouchability Manifesto, which was signed by all of them (except Tilak, who managed to find a way around it).78<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Ambedkar stayed away from these meetings. He had begun to grow sceptical about these very public but completely out-of-character displays of solicitude for untouchables. He saw that these were ways in which, in the changing times, the privileged castes were manoeuvring to consolidate their control over the untouchable community. While his audience, his constituency and his chief concern were the untouchables, Ambedkar believed that it was not just the stigma, the pollution\u2013purity issues around untouchability, but caste itself that had to be dismantled. The practice of untouchability, cruel as it was\u2014(the Mahars for example, the caste to which Ambedkar belonged, had to tie brooms\u00a0 to their waists to sweep away their \u201cpolluting\u201d footprints, and hang pots around their necks to collect their spit)\u2014was the performative, ritualistic end of the practice of caste. The real violence of caste was the denial of entitlement: to land, to wealth, to knowledge, to equal opportunity.<\/p>\n How can a system of such immutable hierarchy be maintained if not by the threat of egregious, ubiquitous violence? How do landlords force labourers, generation after generation, to toil night and day on subsistence wages? Why would an untouchable labourer, who is not allowed to even dream of being a landowner one day, put his or her life at the landlord\u2019s disposal, to plough the land, to sow seed and harvest the crop, if it were not out of sheer terror of the punishment that awaits the wayward? (Farmers, unlike industrialists, cannot afford strikes. Seed must be sown when it must be sown, the crop must be harvested when it must be harvested. The farmworker must be terrorised into abject submission, into being available when he must be available.) How were African slaves forced to work on American cotton fields? By being flogged, by being lynched, and if that did not work, by being hung from a tree for others to see and be afraid. Why are the murders of insubordinate Dalits even today never simply murders but ritual slaughter? Why are they always paraded naked, raped, dismembered and burnt alive? Ambedkar tried to provide an answer:<\/p>\n Why have the mass of people tolerated the social evils to which they have been subjected? There have been social revolutions in other countries of the world, why not in India, is a question that has incessantly troubled me. There is only one answer which I can give and that is that the lower classes of Hindus have been completely disabled for direct action on account of this wretched caste system. They could not bear arms and without arms they could not rebel. They were all ploughmen\u2014or rather compelled to be ploughmen\u2014and they were never allowed to convert their ploughshares into swords. They had no bayonets, and therefore everyone who chose, could and did sit upon them. On account of the caste system they could receive no education. They could not think out or know the way to their salvation. They were condemned to be lowly; and not knowing the way of escape, and not having any means of escape, they became reconciled to eternal servitude, which they accepted as their inescapable fate.79<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n In rural areas, the threat of actual physical violence sometimes paled before the spectre of the \u201csocial boycott\u201d that orthodox Hindus would proclaim against any untouchable who dared to defy the system. (This could mean anything from daring to buy a piece of land, wearing nice clothes, smoking a bidi in the presence of a caste Hindu, or having the temerity to wear shoes, or ride a mare in a wedding procession. The crime could even be an attitude, a posture that was less craven than an untouchable\u2019s is meant to be.) It\u2019s the opposite of the boycott that the civil rights movement in the US used as a campaign tool; the American blacks at least had a modicum of economic clout with which to boycott buses and businesses that held them in contempt. Among privileged castes, the social boycott in rural India traditionally means \u201chukka-paani bandh\u201d\u2014no tobacco and no water for a person who has annoyed the community. Though it\u2019s called a \u201csocial boycott,\u201d it is an economic as well as social boycott. For Dalits, that is lethal. The sinners are denied employment in the neighbourhood, denied the right to food and water, denied the right to buy provisions in the village Bania\u2019s shop. They are hounded out and left to starve. The social boycott continues to be used as a weapon against Dalits in Indian villages. It is non-cooperation by the powerful against the powerless\u2014non-cooperation, as we know it, turned on its head.<\/p>\n In order to detach caste from the political economy, from conditions of enslavement in which most Dalits lived and worked, in order to elide the questions of entitlement, land reforms and the redistribution of wealth, Hindu reformers cleverly narrowed the question of caste to the issue of untouchability. They framed it as an erroneous religious and cultural practice that needed to be reformed.<\/p>\n Gandhi narrowed it even further to the issue of \u201cBhangis,\u201d or scavengers, as Gandhi liked to call them\u2014a mostly urban and therefore somewhat politicised community. From his childhood, he resurrected the memory of Uka, the boy scavenger who used to service the household\u2019s lavatory. Gandhi often spoke of how his family\u2019s treatment of Uka had always troubled him.80<\/sup><\/a> Rural untouchables\u2014ploughmen, potters, tanners and their families\u2014lived in scattered, small communities, in hutments on the edges of villages (beyond polluting distance). Urban untouchables\u2014Bhangis, Chuhras and Mehtars\u2014lived together in numbers and actually formed a political constituency. In order to discourage them from converting to Christianity, Lala Mulk Raj Bhalla, a Hindu reformer of the Punjabi Khatri caste, re-baptised them in 1910, and they came to collectively be called Balmikis. Gandhi seized upon the Balmikis and made them his show window for untouchability. Upon them he performed his missionary acts of goodness and charity. He preached to them how to love and hold onto their heritage, and how to never aspire towards anything more than the joys of their hereditary occupation. All through his life, Gandhi wrote a great deal about the importance of \u201cscavenging\u201d as a religious duty. It did not seem to matter that people in the rest of the world were dealing with their shit without making such a fuss about it.<\/p>\n Delivering the presidential address at the Kathiawar Political Conference in Bhavnagar on 8 January 1925, Gandhi said:<\/p>\n If at all I seek any position it is that of a Bhangi. Cleansing of dirt is sacred work which can be done by a Brahmin as well as a Bhangi, the former doing it with and the latter without the knowledge of its holiness. I respect and honour both of them. In the absence of either of the two, Hinduism is bound to face extinction. I like the path of service; therefore, I like the Bhangi. I have personally no objection to sharing my meal with him, but I am not asking you to inter-dine with or inter-marry him. How can I advise you?81<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Gandhi\u2019s attentiveness towards the Balmikis, his greatly publicised visits to \u201cBhangi colonies,\u201d paid dividends, despite the fact that he treated them with condescension and contempt. When he stayed in one such colony in 1946:<\/p>\n half the residents were moved out before his visit and the shacks of the residents torn down and neat little huts constructed in their place. The entrances and windows of the huts were screened with matting, and during the length of Gandhi\u2019s visit, were kept sprinkled with water to provide a cooling effect. The local temple was white-washed and new brick paths were laid. In an interview with Margaret Bourke-White, a photo-journalist for Life <\/i>magazine, one of the men in charge of Gandhi\u2019s visit, Dinanath Tiang of the Birla Company, explained the improvements in the untouchable colony, \u201cWe have cared for Gandhiji\u2019s comfort for the last twenty years.\u201d82<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n In his history of the Balmiki workers of Delhi, the scholar Vijay Prashad says when Gandhi staged his visits to the Balmiki Colony on Mandir Marg (formerly Reading Road) in 1946, he refused to eat with the community:<\/p>\n \u201cYou can offer me goat\u2019s milk,\u201d he said, \u201cbut I will pay for it. If you are keen that I should take food prepared by you, you can come here and cook my food for me\u201d\u2026 Balmiki elders recount tales of Gandhi\u2019s hypocrisy, but only with a sense of uneasiness. When a dalit gave Gandhi nuts, he fed them to his goat, saying that he would eat them later, in the goat\u2019s milk. Most of Gandhi\u2019s food, nuts and grains, came from Birla House; he did not take these from the dalits. Radical Balmikis took refuge in Ambedkarism which openly confronted Gandhi on these issues.83<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n Ambedkar realised that the problem of caste would only be further entrenched unless untouchables were able to organise, mobilise and become a political constituency with their own representatives. He believed that reserved seats for untouchables within the Hindu fold, or within the Congress, would just produce pliable candidates\u2014servants who knew how to please their masters. He began to develop the idea of a separate electorate for untouchables. In 1919, he submitted a written testimony to the Southborough Committee on electoral reforms. The committee\u2019s brief was to propose a scheme of territorial constituencies based on existing land revenue districts, and separate communal representation for Muslims, Christians and Sikhs, for a new constitution that was to be drafted to prepare for Home Rule. The Congress boycotted the committee. To his critics, who called him a collaborator and a traitor, Ambedkar said that Home Rule was as much the right of the untouchable as it was of the Brahmin, and it was the duty of privileged castes to do what they could to put everybody on an equal plane. In his testimony, Ambedkar argued that untouchables were as separate a social group from touchable Hindus as Muslims, Christians and Sikhs:<\/p>\n The right of representation and the right to hold office under the State are the two most important rights that make up citizenship. But the\u00a0untouchability\u00a0of the untouchables puts these rights far beyond their reach. In a few places they do not even possess such insignificant rights as personal liberty and personal security, and equality before law is not always assured to them. These are the interests of the Untouchables. And as can be easily seen they can be represented by the Untouchables alone. They are distinctively their own interests and none else can truly voice them\u2026 Hence it is evident that we must find the Untouchables to represent their grievances which are their interests and, secondly, we must find them in such numbers as will constitute a force sufficient to claim redress.84<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n