![\"Chinese](\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/09\/brics-asian-triad-leaders-china-india-indonesia.jpg\")
<\/a>Chinese President Xi Jinping (extreme right) shake hands with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi before the family photo of the BRICS-UNASUR Summit in Brazil on July 16 2014 [gov.br]<\/p><\/div>So far, Xi seems to be up to the challenge. He has been boldly pursuing major figures who were previously considered \u201cuntouchables\u201d, such as Xu Caihou, former vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission, and Zhou Yongkang, a former member of the Political Bureau Standing Committee of the CPC Central Committee, the country\u2019s highest political body. But the long-term fight against corruption cannot depend on Xi alone. It will succeed only if strong institutions are created to protect and nurture the rule of law long after Xi leaves office.<\/p>\n
If Xi chooses to establish such institutions, he has a strong legal tradition upon which to call. As former US ambassador to China Gary F. Locke said in a speech early this year, the concept of equality before the law has deep historical roots. Indeed, in 4th century BC, statesman and reformer Shang Yang famously asserted: \u201cWhen the prince violates the law, the crime he commits is the same as that of the common people.\u201d Building on this tradition, Xi can create strong institutions that will stand the test of time. If he does \u2013 recognizing that, to be credible, the rule of law must apply even to the Party\u2019s most influential figures \u2013 he may become modern China\u2019s third great leader.<\/p>\n
In India, Mahatma Gandhi rejuvenated the country\u2019s soul, which had been battered by colonialism, and India\u2019s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru established its democratic political culture. Modi now must lay the foundation for India\u2019s emergence as a global economic power.<\/p>\n
Replicating the 10 percent annual growth rate achieved in Gujarat when he was chief minister of the province would obviously be a boon to India\u2019s development prospects and global standing. But achieving such a high growth rate in a sustainable way will demand far-reaching, sometimes painful reforms, such as the removal of wasteful subsidies, especially on fuel, in order to free up resources for, say, increased healthcare expenditure. Other imperatives include shrinking the budget deficit, removing internal barriers to trade and encouraging private investment.<\/p>\n
To win the support needed to implement these reforms without undermining political stability or social cohesion, Modi must demonstrate that he is an inclusive leader capable of cooperating with Indians outside of his Hindu nationalist base \u2013 including the country\u2019s 150 million-plus Muslims. If he succeeds, he, like Xi, will become his country\u2019s next iconic leader.<\/p>\n
In Indonesia\u2019s case, the two most influential leaders were Sukarno, who used powerful rhetoric to foster a sense of national unity in one of the world\u2019s most diverse countries, and Suharto, who overthrew Sukarno and created a strong economic base that lifted millions out of poverty. Jokowi must now lay the institutional foundation for good governance.<\/p>\n
Jokowi has risen from humble beginnings to the apex of power without compromising his image as a \u201cman of the people\u201d or his reputation for pragmatism and honesty. Jokowi has a long track record of good governance, having implemented effective policies during his stint as mayor of Surakarta (such as refurbishing markets, relocating slum dwellers and cutting red tape), and governor of Jakarta (where he broadened access to healthcare and education).<\/p>\n
But replicating this success at the national level will be no easy feat. Jokowi, who takes office in October, must implement policies that address rising inequality, unsustainable fuel subsidies, entrenched corruption, inadequate infrastructure and restrictive labor laws \u2013 all while rebuilding trust in Indonesian institutions.<\/p>\n
The challenges facing Jokowi are compounded by the fact that his ruling coalition holds only about one-third of the seats in Indonesia\u2019s parliament, with the rest loyal to the coalition of his rival in the presidential election, Prabowo Subianto. So, in introducing a new style of governance, exemplified by merit-based cabinet appointments, Jokowi must be careful not to alienate the political and business elites who have long benefited from their tight grip on power.<\/p>\n
In short, if Jokowi is to form a national consensus on the institutions that Indonesia needs, he will have to reach across this political divide. To this end, Mexican President Enrique Pena Nieto\u2019s cross-party \u201cPact for Mexico\u201d could serve as a useful model.<\/p>\n
Promisingly, Jokowi has a reputation for being free of partisan and religious politics, and having a talent for communicating with people. And, as a political outsider, he is in a unique position to direct Indonesia toward a more prosperous, united future \u2013 and vault himself into the country\u2019s pantheon of great leaders.<\/p>\n
China, India and Indonesia are all well positioned to take important steps forward. A commitment by Xi, Modi and Jokowi to do what is needed would bring rapid, far-reaching progress to their respective countries, Asia and the global order.<\/p>\n
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Kishore Mahbubani is dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, NUS, and is the author of The Great Convergence: Asia, the West, and the Logic of One World.<\/em><\/p>\n