{"id":48867,"date":"2014-10-20T13:07:13","date_gmt":"2014-10-20T12:07:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=48867"},"modified":"2015-05-05T21:29:37","modified_gmt":"2015-05-05T20:29:37","slug":"the-academic-boycott-of-israel-a-policy-of-the-centre-for-peace-and-conflict-studies","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2014\/10\/the-academic-boycott-of-israel-a-policy-of-the-centre-for-peace-and-conflict-studies\/","title":{"rendered":"The Academic Boycott of Israel: A Policy of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><em>Thinking about a Better Conflict Resolution for the Palestine\/Israel Conflict in relation to the Centre of Peace and Conflict Studies of the University of Sydney.<\/em><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">This piece is a supplement to my article, \u201cOn the \u2018Academic Boycott of Israel\u2019 Claimed by University of Sydney\u2019s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies\u201d, appeared on the TMS website week of 13 Oct.- 19 Oct.2014. At the same time, this piece intends to be a response in the brief manner to Prof. Lynch\u2019s comments response to my article mentioned above, especially in PART ONE below. For Prof. Lynch\u2019s response, see <a href=\"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2014\/10\/on-the-academic-boycott-of-israel-claimed-by-university-of-sydneys-centre-for-peace-and-conflict-studies\/#comments\" >https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2014\/10\/on-the-academic-boycott-of-israel-claimed-by-university-of-sydneys-centre-for-peace-and-conflict-studies\/#comments<\/a> .<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Despite some possible differences, if any, in views of Prof. Lynch and those of mine, I believe that both he and I share the same goal: a peaceful conflict resolution of the Palestine\/Israel conflict \u2013 a situation in which both Palestinians and Israelis will become friendly neighbors sharing peace and prosperity, even though the achievement of this vision seems to be an almost impossible and far distant dream. If Martin Luther King Jr. was in Palestine, he could have said as he made his famous speech in the United States, \u201cI have a dream that one day\u2026..\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>PART ONE:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Regarding Prof. Lynch\u2019s reply to my inquiry, he says in its first sentence, \u201c<em>There is no boycott at the Centre, nor is there any call for one\u2026.<\/em>\u201d (For the convenience of the discussion here, the paragraph that contains the above sentence, \u201c<em>There is no boycott \u2026.<\/em>\u201d is considered as the <em>first<\/em> paragraph in his response. Therefore, the next paragraph is considered as the <em>second<\/em> paragraph and so on.)<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Now, let us examine the paragraphs after the statement, \u201c<em>There is no boycott \u2026.<\/em>\u201d, as follows:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>He explains how the boycott policy is carefully focused, by telling, \u201c<em>CPACS\u2019 boycott policy is carefully focused on two funded Fellowship schemes\u2026..<\/em>\u201d (The second paragraph)<\/li>\n<li>He explains why Israel is the target of the boycott policy, by telling the reason why: \u201c<em>Israel is singled out for boycott because of its unparalleled record of militarism and lawlessness.\u201d<\/em> (The fourth paragraph)<\/li>\n<li>He explains the aim of the boycott, by telling, \u201c<em>The strategic aim of the boycott is to enable meaningful negotiations on a lasting peace, not to replace them.<\/em>\u201d (The fifth paragraph)<\/li>\n<li>He concludes his argument\/explanation about the academic boycott, by telling, \u201c<em>The academic boycott is part of that.<\/em>\u201d (The ninth paragraph = the final paragraph)<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">All his arguments and explanations, as mentioned above, indicate that the academic boycott actually exists at his Centre (CPACS). If the boycott does not exist, how is it possible for the boycott (that does not exist) to focus on something? If the boycott does not exist, how is it possible to tell the reason why Israel is the target of the boycott? If the boycott does not exist, how is it possible to tell the strategic aim of the boycott? If the boycott does not exist, how is it possible to tell like this: \u201c<em>The academic boycott is part of it<\/em>\u201d?<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Nevertheless, Prof. Lynch states, \u201c<em>There is no boycott at the Centre, nor is there any call for one\u2026.<\/em>\u201d His statement as such shows that his statement is one of the following three: (1) a contradiction of his argument, (2) a rhetorical technique, or (3) something else. In any case, his statement, \u201c<em>There is no boycott at the Centre, nor is there any call for one\u2026.<\/em>\u201d, and the rest of his arguments\/explanations are incompatible.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>PART TWO:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">A boycott<a href=\"#_edn1\" name=\"_ednref1\">[1]<\/a> can be understood as a community level or an individual level of sanctions.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Sanctions may be necessary to be imposed upon the Israeli government because of their decades-long, cruel, unfair, aggressive policy against Palestine.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">However, sanctions should be carefully planned and carefully implemented, as Prof. Lynch states, \u201cCPACS\u2019 boycott policy is carefully focused on \u2026\u2026\u201d<a href=\"#_edn2\" name=\"_ednref2\">[2]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">In sanctions, the humanitarian sector and the education sector are apt to be excluded. In military attacks, hospitals and civilian residential areas are excluded.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">It can be understood that the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies is included in the education sector.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Compare:<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>The military attacks aiming at hospitals and civilian school areas (and other education facilities).<\/li>\n<li>The sanctions aiming at the humanitarian sector and the education sector.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>PART THREE: <\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">One of the essential functions of the hospital is to transform the people of poor\/ill-health (= patients) into the people of good health. Therefore, the people of poor\/ill-health (= the patients) are admitted to the hospital.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">One of the essential functions of the peace education institute is to transform the students of poor\/ill-sense of peace into the students of healthy\/good sense of peace. Therefore, the students of poor\/ill-sense of peace are admitted to the peace education institute.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">If Israeli students are of poor\/ill health, they need to be admitted to a hospital. If they are of poor\/ill-sense of peace, they need to be admitted to a peace education institute.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Compare:<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>A hospital that refuses the admittance of the people of poor\/ill-health (=patients).<\/li>\n<li>A peace education institute that refuses the admittance of the students of poor\/ill-sense of peace.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>PART FOUR: <\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The value of the hospital may be measured by its capability to help the patients of serious diseases\/health problems to regain heath.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The value of the peace education institute may be measured by its capability to help the students of seriously poor\/ill-sense of peace to gain the healthy\/good sense of peace.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>PART FIVE: <\/strong><\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>If the Centre boycotts Israeli students, what possible \u201cpositive\u201d outcome, if any, will be expected from that boycott?<\/li>\n<li>If the Centre accepts Israeli students, what possible \u201cpositive\u201d outcome, if any, will be expected from that acceptance?<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>PART SIX:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">If the Centre\u2019s boycott of Israeli students in relation to the Palestine\/Israel conflict is legitimate, it may also be possible to legitimize the boycott of American students in relation to the US government\u2019s support of the Israeli government for decades; this boycott might be called, \u201cthe academic boycott of the United States\u201d, for instance.<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>It may also be possible to legitimize the boycott of Syrian students in relation to the Syrian conflict; this boycott might be called, \u201cthe academic boycott of Syria\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>It may also be possible to legitimize the boycott of Russian students in relation to the Ukraine conflict; this boycott might be called, \u201cthe academic boycott of Russia\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>It may also be possible to legitimize the boycott of Myanmar students in relation to the Rohingyan genocide and discrimination; this boycott might be called, \u201cthe academic boycott of Myanmar\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>It may also be possible to legitimize the boycott of Futu students from Rwanda in relation to the Rwandan genocide in 1994; this boycott might be called, \u201cthe academic boycott of Futu\u201d. Note that only a handful of the perpetrators were arrested but others are still at large.<\/li>\n<li>It may also be possible to legitimize the boycott of Bosnian Serb students in relation to the Srebrenica and other genocide cases during the War in Bosnia; this boycott might be called, \u201cthe academic boycott of Bosnian Serbs\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>It may also be possible to legitimize the boycott of Turkish students in relation to the Armenian genocide and to the fact that the Turkish government has still denied their involvement with the genocide; this boycott might be called, \u201cthe academic boycott of Turkey\u201d.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">And so on and so forth; it may be possible to practice what might be called, <em>the formula of the academic boycott of X<\/em>, as far as this type of academic boycott is legitimized, in accordance with the constantly changing contemporary international situations and\/or with historical events that have still affected the contemporary international and\/or domestic situations.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Accordingly, it is no wonder even if the above-mentioned so-called<em> formula of the academic boycott of X<\/em> might lead to the legitimization of the boycott of Australian students in relation to, for instance, the exploitation of the indigenous people in the Australian Continent and its neighboring islands, including some 500 groups of the Australian Aborigine, and various kinds of discriminations against and atrocities to these people, committed by the immigrants (mostly from Europe) to Australia; this boycott might be called, \u201cthe academic boycott of Australia\u201d.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Even some might argue that if to practice the academic boycott of Israel is legitimate, not to practice the academic boycott of other countries (as mentioned above, for example) might constitute <em>a double standard of the academic boycott<\/em>. In fact, Prof. Lynch states, \u201c<em>The parallel with Israel is of becoming attached to the rewards of funding and support from the USA, which is, in effect, unconditional, whatever Israel\u2019s violence against Palestinian civilians and regular seizures of Palestinian land.<\/em>\u201d (See the seventh paragraph in his response.) Then, why not practice the academic boycott of the United States as well? Why the academic boycott <em>only of Israel<\/em>? (This question was already mentioned in the beginning of this PART SIX.)<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">What if the United States, one of the strongest powers in the world, directly commits atrocities in Palestine and invaded there? The similar thing has happened to Tibet over the decades in relation to China. However, if China, also one of the strongest powers in the world today, used one of the neighboring countries to invade Tibet, the Tibetan situation could have been the same as that of Palestine today. Let us recall Prof. Lynch\u2019s words here again: \u201c<em>The parallel with Israel is of becoming attached to the rewards of funding and support from the USA, which is, in effect, unconditional, whatever Israel\u2019s violence against Palestinian civilians and regular seizures of Palestinian land.\u201d<\/em> Almost the same thing could have happened to Tibet then if China used one of the neighboring countries. If that was the case, would the Centre practice the academic boycott of the neighboring country that invaded Tibet?<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Think the other way around as mentioned above: If the United States directly invaded Palestine as China has done to Tibet, would the Centre practice the academic boycott of the United States?<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">What is \u201cjustice\u201d of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies of the University of Sydney if that would be the case? Injustice and the atrocities stemmed from injustice are not only in Palestine, but also in many parts of the world. Justice is necessary not only in Palestine, but also in any parts of the world, as far as untold sorrows of injustice exist. What kind of \u201cjustice\u201d does the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies teach to the students in relation to the academic boycott?<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>PART SEVEN: <\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Which, below, is more appropriate, as a policy of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, in pursuit of an effective conflict resolution of the Palestine\/Israel conflict in the long run?<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Compare:<\/p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>We, at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, oppose the Israeli government\u2019s policy on Palestine. Therefore, we boycott Israeli students.<\/li>\n<li>We, at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, oppose the Israeli government\u2019s policy on Palestine. Therefore, we welcome students who oppose the Israeli government\u2019s policy.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>PART EIGHT: <\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">There are many Israelis who opposed their government\u2019s policy on Palestine. There are many Israelis who want to establish friendly relationships with Palestinians.<a href=\"#_edn3\" name=\"_ednref3\">[3]<\/a> <a href=\"#_edn4\" name=\"_ednref4\">[4]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Every day is a new day; young generations of students, including young generations of Israeli students, are willing to join a new peacemaking in the Middle East. The Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies of the University of Sydney has the capability to provide these young generations of people with all the necessary academic equipment for their peacemaking. For these young generations, there is no reason to stick to the old days of hatred. Every day comes, and every day is a new day to start all over the peacemaking in the Middle East. New and young generations of students are here and now. They are knocking on the door of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">\u201cWhat kind of world do you want to live in? Demand that your teachers teach you what you need to know to build it.\u201d &#8211; Peter Kropotkin<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><strong>NOTES:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><a href=\"#_ednref1\" name=\"_edn1\">[1]<\/a> The word \u201cboycott\u201d means to \u201cwithdraw from commercial or social relations with (someone) as a punishment or protest.\u201d (Source: <em>Concise Oxford English Dictionary<\/em>, 12<sup>th<\/sup> edition, revised, Oxford, UK, 2011.) It can be understood that the boycott carried out by the Centre of Peace and Conflict Studies of the University of Sydney is not just the withdrawal. The essential nature of the Centre\u2019s \u201cboycott\u201d may be considered as a kind of sanction or punishment to the Israeli students, that is, the denial of their opportunity to study peace and conflict studies at the Centre. Therefore, the word \u201cboycott\u201d in the case of the Centre\u2019s academic \u201cboycott\u201d may be understood as \u201csanctions\u201d by an individual or a certain organizational level (= the Center\u2019s level).<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><a href=\"#_ednref2\" name=\"_edn2\">[2]<\/a> This phrase of Prof. Lynch\u2019s, \u201cCPACS\u2019 boycott policy is carefully focused on \u2026..\u201d, also indicates that there exists the policy of the academic boycott of Israel at his Centre, which is contradicted to his earlier statement, \u201cThere is no boycott at the Centre, nor is there any call for one\u2026..\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><a href=\"#_ednref3\" name=\"_edn3\"><\/a> [3] At a certain master\u2019s program of peace studies, a Palestinian student and an Israeli student studied together. They became good friends. At other education institute for the master\u2019s course program, I met a lovely couple, a Serbian female student and a Kosovar Albanian male student. They shared completely different political opinions but they loved deeply. These were good examples that the education institutes did not block students from conflicting countries to study together. That a peace education offers an opportunity to students from various political, cultural or religious backgrounds to study together may promote world peace in the long run. It is said that the effect of such education will appear on the surface twenty or thirty years later.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The Bosnian Serb Army General, Ratko Maldi\u0107 had a daughter, Ana. Allegedly, she had a fianc\u00e9, a Bosnian Muslim boy. Unfortunately, it was reported that Mladi\u0107 did not allow his daughter to marry the Muslim boy. The couple suffered, and, then, Ana committed suicide. This was a tragic example that young people\u2019s opportunity for the unification \u2013 love and mutual understanding between a Bosnian Serb and a Bosnian Muslim &#8211; was denied.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Few people seem to be aware that the Centre\u2019s policy to block Israeli students might foster the seed of such potential tragedy. Who knows what will happen in the future? But the seed is already there. In this context, it may be imperative to recall as follows: (1) What is (are) the main objective(s) of peace education? (2) What is (are) the main role(s) of a peace education institute for that?<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><a href=\"#_ednref4\" name=\"_edn4\">[4]<\/a> What if those non-Israeli students who support the Israeli government and\/or the United States\u2019 political and military support to Israel are accepted by the Centre at the price of the Centre\u2019s refusal of Israeli students who oppose to their government? Then, one of the possible outcomes may be that their strategy to the Centre might become like this: \u201cSend the Centre more of the non-Israeli students who support the Israeli government and\/or the United States\u2019 political and military support to the Israeli government.\u201d<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">************<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">My highest admiration for Prof. Jake Lynch remains firmly.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">With peace and respect.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">________________________________<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><em>Satoshi Ashikaga is a member of the TRANSCEND Network for Peace, Development and Environment, originally from Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Thinking about a Better Conflict Resolution for the Palestine\/Israel Conflict in relation to the Centre of Peace and Conflict Studies of the University of Sydney.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[40],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-48867","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-transcend-members"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/48867","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=48867"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/48867\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=48867"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=48867"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=48867"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}