{"id":9035,"date":"2010-12-20T00:00:15","date_gmt":"2010-12-19T23:00:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/?p=9035"},"modified":"2010-12-19T14:47:23","modified_gmt":"2010-12-19T13:47:23","slug":"unmin%e2%80%99s-withdrawal-formally-winds-up-maoist-army-cantonment-and-barracking-of-the-nepal-army","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/2010\/12\/unmin%e2%80%99s-withdrawal-formally-winds-up-maoist-army-cantonment-and-barracking-of-the-nepal-army\/","title":{"rendered":"UNMIN\u2019s Withdrawal Formally Winds up Maoist Army Cantonment and Barracking of the Nepal Army"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>1.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Setting<\/p>\n<p>The Sanskrit adage <em>Buvukshitah kim na karoti papam?<\/em> (What vice is unthinkable to an empty stomach?) occurred in mind when we (including Freelance Journalist Jibanath Khanal) were deliberating upon the \u201cU-turn\u201d of Nepal\u2019s peace process, wondering whether the successor of UNMIN could take over the monitoring and supervision of the arms and armies. While a full-stomach seeks freedom first, an empty stomach looks for food above all temptations. It is curious to note that despite endemic poverty in Nepal, none of the past understandings, agreements or peace accords signed between Seven Party Alliance (SPA)-led Government and the Maoists advocates for food, each of them goes first for freedom. The extension and withdrawal of UNMIN, the two opposite voices that have become public are, in fact, rooted in this same issue: food and freedom, which are the two wheels of a cart. Extremist thoughts can only impede the peace process, (re)integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist Army (MA) and drafting of a new constitution. Here, the study tries to focus on the integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist Army after the withdrawal of the UNMIN rather than considering the food vs. freedom agenda.<\/p>\n<p>2.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Peace Talks and Demands of Neutral Mediation<\/p>\n<p>In the first official peace talks (July 23rd to November 22nd, 2001), the Maoists presented the 31-point demands, including three main ones: (i) to dissolve the Constitution 1990 in order to draw a new constitution; (ii) to dissolve the then government and parliament to initiate a process for an interim government; and (iii) to institutionalize the process for a republican state, since the traditional monarchy had virtually been swept away.<\/p>\n<p>However, the third round of talks was held at Godavari on November 13 where the Maoists suddenly dropped their third demand for a republican set up; instead put forward their bottom-line to hold an election for the constituent assembly (CA). On the one hand, the government rejected outright their main political demands, including CA elections, but on the other, it passed the controversial Armed Police Force Bill from the parliament. It must be noted that neither the then government presented its agenda against the Maoists\u2019 demands nor its negotiation team had a clean and non-corrupt political image.<\/p>\n<p>The coalition government that included NC and UML representatives, time and again stated that there was no alternative but the Maoists must give up their violent means after the inhumane attack at the World Trade Center on September 11th, 2001 and USA\u2019s declaration of total war against such terrorist acts.<\/p>\n<p>Both Prachanda and Dr. Baburam Bhattarai jointly wrote a letter to the international community, such as UN, India, China, USA and the European Union, asking them not to interfere in the internal affairs of Nepal. Rather, they requested for assistance to initiate reliable talks and to mediate if possible. The Maoists had just two alternatives: either to accept the parliamentary democracy or to resume the People\u2019s War.<\/p>\n<p>The Maoist party unilaterally broke the four-month-long ceasefire on November 22nd, 2001. The following day, the CPN (Maoist) announced the setting up of central people\u2019s government, the United Revolutionary People\u2019s Council Committee (URPCC) under the leadership of Dr. Baburam Bhattarai and the People\u2019s Liberation Army (PLA) on November 24th, 2001. The PLA subsequently attacked army camps, police stations and administrative buildings and destroyed a lot of public and private properties in the district headquarters of Dang, Syangja, Solukhumbu, Surkhet, Tanahun, etc. The Maoists reportedly killed 18 soldiers, 51 policemen, a chief district officer and four civilians. They had also seized large quantities of arms and ammunition (Pathak:2005).<\/p>\n<p>On the night of January 29th 2003, a truce was agreed upon; it was first announced by the Maoists, and the government made its announcement only after one hour and half. Besides, the Maoists put forward pre-conditions to withdraw the previous government\u2019s decision to declare CPN (Maoist) a terrorist organization; to withdraw the Interpol Red Corner Notices issued against the Maoist leaders; to withdraw the previous government\u2019s decision of fixing price tag on the heads of Maoist leaders; and to withdraw all the alleged cases against the Maoists who were in custody or jail to resume the Peace Talks II. The government agreed to fulfill all of them.<\/p>\n<p>Announcing the truce, Prachanda requested his PLA and political activists to suspend all kinds of guerrilla activities, including forceful collection of donations, and urged them to continue political activities across the country. He reiterated the three-step procedure to be concluded during the period of truce: promoting a roundtable conference with all the political forces, representatives of palace and civil society; such conference forming an interim government; and the government going for an election to a CA to draft a new constitution for the kingdom of Nepal. The government also presented its agenda for the first time in the history of Nepal, but the Maoists rejected it outright.<\/p>\n<p>While the second secession of the third round of peace talks was going on in Purandhara VDC-3, Hapure village of the Dang valley, the then Royal Nepal Army attacked a group of Maoist district leaders meeting at Doramba, Ramechhap district at 10.30 AM on August 16, 2003 (Shrawan 32, 2060 BS). 18 unarmed Maoist activists were arrested, including the house owner and his son, by the army. And while they were brought to the army barrack, they were shot dead at Darakateri of Daduwa VDC at three hours\u2019 walking distance from the house where the meeting was held. The victims were made to stand in a line and shot one by one. Their hands were tied behind their backs and most of them were shot in the head. It was condemned by all corners within the nation and beyond when the peace process also broke apart.<\/p>\n<p>Having been suspicious of the Royal Palace, its army and other mainstream parliamentary parties, the Maoists repeatedly asked for a neutral mediation in both formal peace talks tenures, but in vain.\u00a0 Even the UN and member countries of the European Union, such as Norway, Denmark, and Switzerland, expressed their interest to support the peace process. But, the NC-UML led government rejected the international mediation initiative straight away.<\/p>\n<p>3.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Provisions or Rights of the United Nations Mission in Nepal<\/p>\n<p>Both the mainstream parliamentary parties and the Maoists learnt some experiences from their past peace talks. The alliance between the extreme leftists, the Maoist party and the extreme rightist Nepali Congress succeeded due to growing orchestrated personal clashes and ego of NC President Girija Pd Koirala against the monarch on the one hand. On the other, the former monarch\u2019s retaliation desire, <em>Maha Bhrastra Rajnitik Partika Netalai Dekai Dinchhu<\/em> (I will show my strength to the corrupt leaders of political parties). Interestingly, in the course of ongoing dialogue with the Maoists, Koirala visited New Delhi twice, overtly for\u00a0 treatment; other leaders also followed him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>3.1<\/strong> The 12-point understanding signed by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) in New Delhi on November 22nd, 2005. Among other things, it said, \u201c.\u2026an understanding has been made to keep the Maoists armed force and the Royal Nepali Army under the United Nations or a reliable international supervision during the process of the election of constituent assembly\u2026to accomplish the election in a free and fair manner \u2026.\u201d (Art 3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>3.2<\/strong> The 25-point Ceasefire Code of Conduct signed between the Government of Nepal and the Maoists on May 26th, 2006 states, \u201cBoth parties shall ask national and international monitoring teams to monitor the ceasefire based on the mutual agreement between the two parties\u201d (Art 21).<\/p>\n<p><strong>3.3<\/strong> The eight-point agreement reached between the Prime Minister and Chairman of the Maoist Party on June 16th, 2006 said, \u201cTo request the United Nations to assist in the management of the armies and arms of both the parties and to monitor them for a free and fair election of the Constituent Assembly\u201d (Art 3).<\/p>\n<p><strong>3.4<\/strong> The six-point agreement reached to end the decade-old conflict between the SPA-led Prime Minister Koirala and the Maoist Supremo Prachanda at midnight on November 8th 2006 reads:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Relating to Maoist Army (MA)<\/strong>: \u201c\u2026The United Nations would do the necessary verification and monitoring of them. Main camps would be in the following places: 1. Kailali, 2. Surkhet, 3. Rolpa, 4. Palpa, 5. Kavre, 6. Sindhuli 7. Ilam. There would be three smaller camps located in the periphery of each of these main camps. All the arms and ammunitions would be securely stored in the camps except those needed for providing security to the camp\u2026\u201d (Art 2).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Relating to Nepali Army (NA)<\/strong>: \u201cThe Nepali Army would be confined to the barracks\u2026. arms would not be used for or against any side. Keep similar quantity of arms of the Nepal Army in the store, seal it with single-lock system and give the key to the concerned side\u201d (Art. 2).\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cThat all the Maoist combatants would gather into the camps by November 21st, 2006\u2026. The United Nations would do their verification and monitoring\u201d (Art. 6.2) \u201c\u2026the Nepali Army would remain confined in barrack by November 21, 2006, keep the specified number of arms in the store and the United Nations would conduct its monitoring\u201d (Art. 6.3).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>3.5<\/strong> The five-point official letter written by Prime Minister and Chairman Prachanda separately to UN Secretary General urged to establish its political mission in Nepal on August 9th, 2006 states:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>\u201cContinue its human rights monitoring through OHCHR, Nepal\u201d (Art 1).<\/li>\n<li>\u201cAssist the monitoring of the Code of Conduct during the Ceasefire\u201d (Art 2).<\/li>\n<li>\u201c\u2026 to seek UN assistance in the &#8220;the management of arms and armed personnel of both the sides&#8221;; deploy qualified civilian personnel to monitor and verify the confinement of CPN-M combatants and their weapons within designated cantonment areas\u201d (Art 3).<\/li>\n<li>\u201cMonitor the Nepal Army to ensure that it remains in its barracks and its weapons are not used for or against any side. The modalities will be worked out among the parties and the UN (Art 4)\u201d.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>3.6<\/strong> The 10-point Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) concluded between the Government of Nepal and the Maoist party on November 21st 2006 reads:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Management of Armies and Arms: <\/strong>\u201cIn order to hold the election of Constituent Assembly in a peaceful, impartial and fearless environment\u2026the 12-point Understanding, 8-point Agreement and 25-point Code of Conduct concluded in the past were recalled in, the 5-point letter sent to the United Nations and the decision taken in the meeting of high-level leaders held on November 8, 2006\u201d (Art 4)<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Concerning      the Maoist Army<\/strong><span style=\"text-decoration: underline;\">:<\/span><strong> <\/strong>\u201c\u2026      United Nations \u2026combatants of the Maoists\u2019 army shall be confined within      the seven main cantonments at Kailali, Surkhet,\u00a0 Rolpa, Nawalparasi, Chitwan, Sindhuli      and Ilam. The sub-cantonments around the main cantonments shall be located      at the rate of three each\u201d (Art 4.1).<\/li>\n<li>\u201c\u2026      all arms and ammunition except those required for the security of the cantonments      shall securely be stored in the cantonment and the keys shall be kept by      the concerned party after installing a single lock. In the process of      installing such a lock, a device with a siren for the monitoring by the      United Nations for its record shall be assembled. While carrying out the      necessary examination of the stored arms, the United Nations shall do it      in the presence of the concerned party. Other technical details related to      this process along with the camera monitoring shall be prepared through an      agreement between the United Nations, CPN (Maoist) and the Government of      Nepal\u201d (Art 4.2).<\/li>\n<li>\u201cWhile      the Maoist combatants stay in the temporary cantonments, the Government of      Nepal shall provide rationing supplies and other necessary arrangements\u201d (Art      4.3). \u201cSecurity provisions for the Maoist leaders shall be made through an      understanding with the Government\u201d (Art 4.5).<\/li>\n<li><strong>In      regard to Nepal Army:<\/strong> \u201cThe Nepal      Army shall be confined within the barracks \u2026. It shall be guaranteed that      their arms are not used for or against any one\u2026equal numbers to that are      stored on-behalf of the Maoists, and shall be sealed with a single-lock      and the key shall be kept by the concerned party\u2026.a device shall be used      along with a siren for its record and for monitoring by the United      Nations\u2026.\u201d (Art 4.6).<\/li>\n<li>\u201cBoth      sides agree to allow the United Nations, International Donors\u2019 Agencies      and also Diplomatic Missions based in Nepal, national and international      non-government organizations, press, human rights activists, election      observers and foreign tourists for unrestricted movement in the State of      Nepal in accordance with the law\u201d (Art 5.1.12).<\/li>\n<li><strong>Implementation      and Monitoring: \u201c<\/strong>Both sides agree to cause to be monitored the      management of armies and the arms by the Nepal based United Nations      Mission \u2026\u201d (Art 9.2). \u201cBoth sides agree to cause to be supervised the      election of the Constituent Assembly by the United Nations\u201d (Art      9.3).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>An agreement on Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies or AMMAA was signed between the Government of Nepal and the Maoist party in 2006. It further illustrates the peace accord on barracking of the NA and MA into cantonments, their weapons storage and control, their deployment and concentration, etc. It prohibited decree of both armies holding, carrying arms, displaying arms, intimidation any person, including internally displaced persons and any type of use of violence; and any type of arms and weapons targeted against each other. It also prohibited both armies any seizure of their equipment and property; ambushes, murder or violent operations, kidnapping, unlawful detention or imprisonment, disappearances; damaging\/seizing public\/private\/government, military or UN properties and personnel; planting mines; recruiting additional armed forces; impede or delay the provision of humanitarian assistance, UN mission and ICRC; redeployment of military forces and equipments without the consent of the Joint Monitoring Coordination Committee (JMCC); and use of children who are 18 years old and under in the armed forces (Art. 5.1).<\/p>\n<p>It clearly restricts violation of human rights, unauthorized troop movements, recruitment, conscription or mobilization; unauthorized replenishment of military equipment; humanitarian law or obstruction in freedom of movement of goods and services; espionage, sabotage, air surveillance and acts of subversion and military flights, or military flights utilizing civilian aircraft, over cantonment sites without 48-hour notification to the parties and the UN mission, except in emergency situations or medical evacuations (Art. 5.3).<\/p>\n<p>4. Performances of the United Nations Mission in Nepal<\/p>\n<p>Following the 4-point accord signed, UNMIN obtained a final four-month extension effective from September 16th, 2010.\u00a0 The UNSC Resolution on September 15th, 2010 decided in line with the request from the Government of Nepal that UNMIN\u2019s mandate will terminate on January 15th, 2011. This is the seventh extension to departure of the UNMIN. Previously six times such as I term (January 23, 2007- January 22, 2008), II term (January 23, 2008- July 23, 2008), III term (July 24, 2008- January 23, 2009), IV term (January 24, 2009- July 23, 2009), V term (July 24, 2009- May 14, 2010), VI term (May 15, 2010- September 15, 2010), and VII term (September 16, 2010- January 15, 2011) .<\/p>\n<p>The Agreement on Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies (Nepal Government-Maoist Party: December 8th, 2006) formally invited UN to (i) guarantee the fundamental rights of the Nepali people to take part in the CA in a free and fair environment without fear; (ii) to ensure sovereignty for the Nepali people in the form of a progressive political outlet, a democratically\u00a0 restructured\u00a0 state, and social-economic-cultural transformation; and (iii) to fully observe the terms of the bilateral agreement witnessed by the United Nations; and (iv) to seek UN assistance in monitoring the management of the arms and armies of both sides (Pathak: Manuscript).<\/p>\n<p>UN civilian personnel confine both the MA and NA and their weapons at their cantonments and barracks respectively and that their weapons are not used against each other.\u00a0 Consequently, the UNMIN established its formal office in Nepal on January 23rd 2007 (Bimali and Pathak: December 16th, 2009).<\/p>\n<p>The UNMIN registered 32,250 Maoist army personnel and only 19,602 (61% out of 32,250) have been verified comprising 15,756 (80%) men and 3,846 (20%) women who are living in 7 main and 21 satellite cantonments and Maoist weapons have been stored in the iron containers.\u00a0 The MA personnel were first disarmed and demobilized.\u00a0 The verification mission disqualified 8,640 (27%) Maoist army personnel as they did not appear in the interviews. 4,008 (12%) persons remain to be discharged including 2,973 minors (UNMIN: 2007).\u00a0 Those disqualified were minors or had been recruited after May 25th 2006, the day of ceasefire.<\/p>\n<p>After several months of intensive discussion among the political parties and UNMIN, the Maoist party, Government and the UNMIN signed an action plan to discharge the disqualified persons on December 16th, 2009.\u00a0 Brigade commander of the MA Saral Paudel Sahayatri and Secretary of the Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction Sadhu Ram Sapkota signed the plan for the discharge of disqualified MA personnel from the cantonments at a function.\u00a0 The UCPN (Maoist) chair and former commander in chief of the MA, Puspa Kamal Dahal, Peace Minister Rakam Chemjong and Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict Radhika Coomaraswamy attended as witnesses of the action plan.\u00a0 The discharge of disqualified (minors and late recruits) MA was delayed by 10 days late than the time they set for December 27th.\u00a0 Still, the entire discharge was completed within the stipulated period of\u00a0 40 days.\u00a0 In the course of transformation from military to civilian life, the first group of minors discharged were from the Maoist cantonment at Sindhuli on January 7th, 2010 (UNMIN: January 7th, 2010).<\/p>\n<p>UNMIN stated that about 500 of minors were still under 18 years and 15 were under 16.\u00a0 Similarly,\u00a0another group of 1,035 were disqualified because they were recruited after the ceasefire in May 2006 that ended 10 years of armed conflict. Roughly one-third of the total number of those disqualified were female (UNMIN:\u00a0 February 8th, 2010). UNICEF Country Representative Gillian Mellsop said, \u201cThe release of these young people today is not only symbolic for the country but a milestone for these young men and women who spent their formative years inside a military structure losing out on critical skills vital for adulthood.\u00a0 All those concerned must now act swiftly to ensure that they reintegrate successfully and help build Nepali society fractured after this long conflict\u201d (UNMIN:\u00a0 February 8th, 2010)<\/p>\n<p>The rehabilitation packages for reintegration to those discharged into the society and supported by the Government and the United Nations in Nepal include:\u00a0 formal schooling, vocational training, training as health workers, and setting up of small\/micro-enterprises. A discharged person shall have 12 months from the date of discharge to sign up for one of these packages.<\/p>\n<p>A UN team will monitor the Action Plan that the discharged person will not engage in violent activities within Maoists affiliated organizations.\u00a0 It is verified that the when the Maoist party shall have fully complied the plan, the party shall consider for removal the list of parties that recruit and use children in conflict through the annual UN Secretary-General\u2019s report on Children and Armed Conflict. Under the Plan, monitoring will last for six months, and monitoring under Security Council (resolution 1612) will continue beyond that date (UNMIN: February 8th, 2010).<\/p>\n<p>5.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 At the Bottom<\/p>\n<p>Constitution drafting and MA (re)integration into the security forces and\/or in the society are the cross cutting and inter-woven issues. In the absence of one, another cannot function or be completed. Moreover, the MA (re)integration and rehabilitation has been a central axis of success or failure of the peace process. If the Maoist army completes (re)integration successfully, peace process would conclude promulgating a new constitution.\u00a0 Since the very inception of first peace talks, namely 12-point understanding, 25-point ceasefire code of conduct and 8-point agreement, the Maoist party has advocated for the monitoring and supervision of the management of arms and armies. The UNMIN was established on the basis of the 5-point invitation letter sent to the United Nations Secretary General by the Prime Minister and Chairman of the Maoist party separately.\u00a0 Moreover, the 10-point Peace Accord formally ended a decade-old armed conflict, the People\u2019s War initiated on February 13th, 1996, respecting the people&#8217;s mandate for democracy, peace and progress.<\/p>\n<p>CPA&#8217;s implementation and its impact have created a number of hot public debates over the years.\u00a0 The task to keep arms in iron containers, the NA in the barracks and the MA in the cantonments has been completed and supervision is being continued. But, democratization of the NA and professionalization, rehabilitation and integration to the MA has come to a standstill. None of the commissions (namely, Truth, Peace and Rehabilitation, and State Restructuring) have been formed in spite of the CPA.\u00a0 The possession, display and use of arms by the MA have been the cause of blistering discussions.\u00a0 Monitoring of the disqualified-discharged has been a weak effort and less than half of the discharged persons are participating on vocational and health education trainings, sponsored school education, and other livelihood programs. The rest of the disqualified and discharged fighters are either involved in normal political activities or are associated with varied criminal groups. To this end, a further study is needed.<\/p>\n<p>The Special Committee for Supervision, Integration and Rehabilitation (SCSIR) of Maoist Army has appointed Balananda Sharma (Rtd Lt. Gen.) as the coordinator of its 12-member Secretariat to bring the MA under the government control on November 30th, 2010 after two-and-a-half-month leadership vacuum. The SCSIR was formed three days ahead of the arrival of B Lynn Pascoe, UN Under Secretary-General for Political Affairs for an assessment of parties efforts to conclude the peace process by January 15th, 2011. The Technical Committee for Supervision, Integration and Rehabilitation (TCSIR) of MA which was formed in March 2009 agreed to form the SCSIR on September 17th, 2010.<\/p>\n<p>The present caretaker government and its coalition partners have strong conviction that the newly formed Special Committee shall be an alternative to the UNMIN and so this Committee shall replace UNMIN and take over its mandate.\u00a0 However, it is not true. First, the UNMIN had established its office under special circumstances and the special purpose of peace process accomplishment. Second, the UN is a neutral and common platform of all of its 192 member nations. Third, the Special Committee has been established as a political body on the basis of a\u00a0 political decision. It is neither defined by agreements, including peace accord, nor does it have constitutional\/legal authority. Fourth, the Committee is a sectoral body. It does not even represent all the political parties in the CA. Moreover, it officially closes with the power and politics. Such committee is often likely to function in favor of its respective party proximity rather than for the country as a whole and Nepali people in general. Besides, many political parties do not have their independent and well considered political stand, but do commit what other interested powers, including external ones, whisper in their ears. Fifth, the Committee should be empowered with experts in the area; there is no role of neutral experts as in the past. Sixth, the Agreement on Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies and the Joint Monitoring Coordinating Committee (JMCC) led by the UNMIN is going to end along its withdrawal. Seventh, the Committee represents from mainstream political parties at the CA and security institutions such as NA, MA, Armed Police Force and Nepal Police, where the Maoist party, half-part of the peace process, has been marginalized within Committee\u2019s demography. Lastly, most of the constitutional bodies such as president, vice-president, prime minister, deputy-prime ministers, chairmen of the CA and the Constitution Drafting Committee are controlled by the non-Maoist parties.<\/p>\n<p>The departure of the UNMIN while in midway of monitoring and supervision of the management of arms and armies and integration and rehabilitation of the MA would be a back drive of Nepal\u2019s peace process until and unless the CA itself passes a resolution to replace the mandate of UNMIN by the Special Committee or another suitable Comprehensive Peace Accord is signed. In reality, the withdrawal of the UNMIN will officially end the Maoist Army cantonment, barracking of the Nepal Army and arms control, all at one go. However, another UN political mission, albeit with a different name, would be a must to accomplish the monitoring and supervision of the arms and armies of both sides, in addition to the necessary technical support to the Maoist army for (re)integration and rehabilitation.<\/p>\n<p>It may be recalled here that the highest number of UN peacekeeping operations have been in former Yugoslavia where seven different named missions were completed and one is ongoing in Kosovo; in Haiti, four missions were completed and one is still ongoing; in Angola too, four missions were completed; so in East Timor where three missions were completed and one is ongoing; and so forth (Pathak: November 2, 2008).<\/p>\n<p><strong> <\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Bibliography:<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Pathak, Bishnu. November 2, 2008. <em>The United Nations: Challenges for Peace<\/em>. Basel: TRANSCEND Media Service.<\/li>\n<li>Pathak, Bishnu. September 2005. <em>Politics of People\u2019s War and Human Rights in Nepal<\/em>. Kathmandu: BIMIPA Publications.<\/li>\n<li>Pathak, Bishnu. November 2, 2008. <em>The United Nations: Challenges for Peace<\/em>. Basel: TRANSCEND Media Service<\/li>\n<li>Pathak, Bishnu. Manuscript. <em>Civil Military Relations: Nepalese Perspectives<\/em>.<\/li>\n<li><em>Twelve-Point Understandings<\/em>. November 22, 2005. New Delhi: SPAM.<\/li>\n<li><em>Eight-point SPA-Maoists Agreement<\/em>. June 16, 2006. Kathmandu: SPAM.<\/li>\n<li><em>Six-point SPA-Maoists Agreement<\/em>. November 8, 2006. Kathmandu: SPAM.<\/li>\n<li><em>Agreement on Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies<\/em>.\u00a0 December 8, 2006. Kathmandu: Nepal Government-Maoist Party.<\/li>\n<li>Bimali, Pawan and Bishnu Pathak. December 16, 2009. <em>Child Soldiers: Crime against Humanity<\/em>. Kathmandu: CS Center. Situation Update 89.<\/li>\n<li>UNMIN. 2007. <em>Arms Monitoring<\/em>. Available at www.unmin.org.np retrieved on December 15, 2009<\/li>\n<li>UNMIN. February 8, 2010. <em>United Nations Press Release<\/em>. Rolpa<\/li>\n<li>UNMIN. January 7, 2010. <em>Report of the Secretary-General on the request of Nepal for United Nations Assistance in Support of its Peace Process<\/em>. New York.<\/li>\n<li><em>Code of Conduct for Ceasefire<\/em>. May 25, 2006. Kathmandu: Government and the Maoists<\/li>\n<li><em>Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA)<\/em>. November 22, 2006. Kathmandu: SPAM.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>_________________________<\/p>\n<p><em>Mr. Pathak, who holds a Ph.D. in Conflict and Human Rights, has been working at the Peace and Conflict Studies Center,(PCS Center, formally known as Conflict Study Center or CS Center) as a Director. He is a Convener of South Asia: TRANSCEND International and Board Member of TRANSCEND Peace University. His book Politics of People\u2019s War and Human Rights in Nepal is a widely circulated volume. He is the author of a number of publications on human rights, UN, security, peace, and federalism including Nepal&#8217;s 2008 Constituent Assembly Elections: Converting Bullets to Ballots, brought out by the East-West Center Bulletin, Washington. <\/em><\/p>\n<p><em> <\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The Sanskrit adage Buvukshitah kim na karoti papam? (What vice is unthinkable to an empty stomach?) occurred in mind when we (including Freelance Journalist Jibanath Khanal) were deliberating upon the \u201cU-turn\u201d of Nepal\u2019s peace process, wondering whether the successor of UNMIN could take over the monitoring and supervision of the arms and armies. While a full-stomach seeks freedom first, an empty stomach looks for food above all temptations.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[40],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-9035","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-transcend-members"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9035","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9035"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9035\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9035"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9035"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.transcend.org\/tms\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9035"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}