Theory of the Gen Z Nonviolent Uprising in Nepal

TRANSCEND MEMBERS, 15 Dec 2025

Bishnu Pathak - TRANSCEND Media Service

Abstract

15 Dec 2025 – Generation Z represents a powerful, dynamic, and tech-savvy cohort driving global change. Innovative, creative, and energetic, these youths are united by their commitment to authenticity, transparency, and accountability. In this theoretical study, Gen Z in Nepal is imagined to have initiated a non-violent anti-corruption movement on September 8, 2025. The government’s violent response, resulting in the deaths of 22 young individuals, catalyzed a nationwide revolution that dismantled corrupt and authoritarian structures. Prime Minister K. P. Oli’s resignation at 1:30 pm on September 9 marked a turning point, as protesters assumed control across the country.

In this scenario, the Nepal Police and Armed Police Force retreat from the streets, allowing protesters to take control nationwide. The uprising leads to 54 more deaths (including three policemen), 2,500 injuries, and extensive destruction: 688 government offices, 259 private residences, 128 business establishments, 198 party offices, 3,000 vehicles, and 486 police stations. This destruction symbolically erases a significant portion of Nepal’s institutional memory and historical records.

Students from marginalized, lower-class backgrounds outside the Kathmandu Valley bear disproportionate sacrifices, suffering higher rates of bullet injuries and violence. Their participation highlights the intersection of class, geography, and vulnerability in mass movements.

At the onset of the uprising, the Nepali Army withdrew security from key government buildings, including the President’s Office and Singha Durbar. By the time the army announced mobilization at 10 pm, Nepal was already engulfed in turmoil. On September 12, following Army mediation and recommendations from Gen Z leaders, the president appointed jurist Sushila Karki as interim prime minister. Elections were scheduled for March 5, 2026, marking a shift toward a citizen-centric government.

Despite this transition, Gen Z’s primary demand—a full investigation into government assets and appointments since 1990, alongside a systemic fight against corruption—remained unresolved. This gap between symbolic change and substantive reform fueled ongoing uncertainty.

Both major parties, UML and Nepali Congress, attempt to restore parliament through legal challenges and mobilization in the streets, signaling a struggle between institutional legitimacy and popular sovereignty, but smaller parties position themselves for upcoming elections, hoping to capitalize on the transitional moment. Gen Z, once unified in its anti-corruption stance, is now increasingly fragmented along political lines, reflecting the difficulty of sustaining cohesion after initial revolutionary momentum.

The Dalai Lama praises interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki and appeals for assistance to Tibetan refugees, introducing a humanitarian and spiritual dimension to the crisis. China monitors developments closely to ensure Nepal’s adherence to the one-China policy, wary of any precedent that could embolden Tibetan autonomy. Foreign diplomats’ express uncertainty, with some ambassadors appointed under the Oli government withdrawn, highlighting the fragility of Nepal’s diplomatic standing during the transition.

This paper examines potential developments through various theoretical lenses: securitization theory, internationalist theory, force theory, sensationalist theory, functionalist theory, and exterritoriality theory. The public remains concerned that this transitional period could spiral into chaos if the Supreme Court dismisses the citizens’ government. Grounded in the principle of “I know that I do not know” – a recognition of the limits of knowledge – the study positions itself as an ongoing reflection rather than a definitive account. By embracing this humility, it acknowledges the evolving nature of youth-led non-violent movements and their transformative potential not only in Nepal but across the globe.

Introduction

Generation Z, aged 14-28, is more than just an age group; they are a powerful force for change. They embody authenticity, transparency, and accountability, values that fuel their enthusiasm and drive to create a positive impact on their families, communities, society, the nation, and the world. This savvy generation is globally interconnected and embraces the ever-changing landscape through their innovations. Gen Z has the ability to turn their beliefs into concrete actions, bypassing lengthy transformation processes. Gen Z is a creative, energetic, and dynamic youth to young individuals worldwide. Their passion for social justice and environmental sustainability is driving meaningful change in society. Gen Z’s influence is undeniable, and their impact will continue to shape the future for years to come.

Despite the significant contributions of Nepal and Nepali society in the disciplines of education, research, and work that have brought honor and respect to the country on a global scale, individuals are often judged and valued based on their financial success. Financial success is measured by wealth, houses, cars, land, and other visible assets in society. This societal perception often leads to negative labels such as “cowardice” and “incompetence” for those who do not earn money through questionable means such as brokerages, commissions, thugs, fraud, and running private institutions, including boarding schools and hospitals. This is simply a reality in Nepal.

Gen Z was waiting for the right time. They were growing angry inside at the way society viewed their honest, gentle, and straightforward parents. They were waiting for the right moment to launch an anti-corruption campaign, which was witnessed across the country on September 8 and 9, 2025.

The War Operations Department of the Nepali Army reported that 22 out of 76 protesters died during the Gen Z Uprising on September 8 and 9. The army disclosed this information at a press conference on October 17, 2025. Lieutenant General Anup Jung Thapa stated that the deceased included 3 policemen, 10 prisoners, and 41 others. Angry mobs and vested interest organized groups, both domestic and foreign, set fire to 688 government offices, 259 private residences, 128 business establishments, and 198 party offices. Over 3,000 vehicles were burned, and 486 police stations were destroyed, erasing Nepal’s historical records. Furthermore, the army mentioned that 723 weapons out of 1200 have been recovered till the end of November 2025 (www.ratopati.com/story/518678/army-report-22-protesters-killed-in-genji-uprising, Post Report, November 28, 2025, & Republica, November 13, 2025).

The Ministry of Health and Population reported that 2,316 people sought treatment for injuries sustained during the Gen Z protests. Out of these, 2,286 have been discharged after treatment, while 30 are still undergoing treatment as of October 14, 2025. The Department of Prison Management has reported that out of 29,224 prisoners and detainees across the country, 14,554
67 percent have been brought back. The department is actively searching for the remaining 4,857 fugitives (Post Report, November 28, 2025). Additionally, three people have died in Ramechhap Prison and two in Dhading Prison during clashes and police firing related to escape attempts (https://janaaastha.com/story/171671). Preliminary data has been made public that 1,042 vehicles and 688 buildings belonging to government offices in Nepal were set on fire during the Gen Z uprising (https://onlinepatrika.com/content/41658).

In response to this, Generation Z has made a clear demand for a corruption-free Nepal. The youth have shown their honest dedication to this cause through sacrifices, injuries, and even the burning of public buildings. This non-violent uprising, led by Generation Z without a designated leader, successfully ousted the nearly two-thirds majority government of Nepal, led by Prime Minister K. P. Oli of the CPN (UML) party in coalition with the Nepali Congress.

The coalition government was toppled in a swift 38-hour period starting on September 8th at 9:00 am and culminating in a revolution at 10:00 pm on September 9, 2025. This event marked the end of a long era of elected authoritarianism, betrayal, and corruption in Nepal, prompting citizens of all generations to come together in support of the younger generation.

In her first address to the Council of Ministers on September 14, 2025, the new interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki, who had gained popularity among Gen Z for her strong stance against corruption and support for the poor, emphasized that she did not seek power for personal gain. She stated that she was called upon by the people to lead and address the demands of Gen Z for a corruption-free Nepal. After one month of the formation of the Karki-led government on October 11, the President and Prime Minister engaged in discussions with Gen Z leaders to address concerns about corruption and governance. Gen Z representatives emphasized the need for action against corruption and asset investigation, urging Prime Minister Karki to step down if the government fails to hold corrupt individuals accountable (Dulal, October 11, 2025).

It is challenging to fully comprehend the depth of any nonviolent uprising leading to revolution within the Gen Z protests due to the complexity and interdependence of various factors. The very next day, this nonviolent movement rapidly transformed into an unprecedented revolution that significantly changed the course of history. Analyzing, investigating, and interpreting this phenomenon is no easy feat. Transforming the Gen Z non-violent movement to revolution into a theoretical framework is incredibly difficult.

It is important to recognize the possibility of overlooking important details when writing this state-of-the-art paper. The study is based on the principle of “I know that I do not know” or “I am simply a student of this Gen Z uprising,” which allows for continuous refinement for future studies. There has been widespread discussion that vested interest elements have infiltrated the Gen Z uprising, implying it was a planned conspiracy to destroy the country, waiting to be uncovered. This philosophical concept underscores the significance of intellectual truth, honesty, genuine wisdom, humility, generosity, and understanding the limitations of one’s knowledge rather than arrogance.

The general objective of the study is to analyze the Gen Z protest against corrupted leaders, bureaucracies, technocracies, and others seated in position for a long time. Specific objectives include investigating challenging and interdependent tasks in theoretical perspectives of nonviolent Gen Z non-violent movement leading to revolution. The study also examines the role of the present government to fulfill the demands put forward by the Gen Z representatives. It further analyzes the impacts of Gen Z non-violent  uprising and beyond in Nepal.

The study methodology did not adhere to a specific method but instead relied on participant observation.  The networking tracking method was used for data collection, analysis, and interpretation. Information was gathered from various sources, including social media, mainstream media, YouTube, television broadcasts, telephone conversations, and other sources. Relevant literature was also utilized as study material.

As a lifelong learner dedicated to advancing peace and conflict studies, the author emphasizes the philosophy of “I know that I do not know” and encourages further research and contributions from scholars to promote Nepal’s Gen Z non-violent movement to revolution and their lessons learned. Thus, this theory is just the beginning.

Securitization Theory, Internationalist Theory, Force Theory, Sensationalist Theory, Functionalist Theory, and Exterritoriality Theory are the key concepts that will be explored in this cutting-edge paper.

1.    Securitization Theory

Securitization is a fundamental political process that involves identifying existential and domestic threats and then implementing extraordinary, non-traditional measures to address them. The theory of securitization seeks to explain how the Nepalese government turned Gen Z’s dissatisfaction with corruption into a security issue. The Gen Z non-violent movement in Nepal illustrates how political leaders portrayed peaceful protests as a threat to law and order, public safety, and national stability.

The Gen Z non-violent movement in Nepal is being analyzed through the lens of securitization theory, which suggests that certain groups within Gen Z are being portrayed as security risks. In Nepal, the UML party has raised concerns about the securitization of Gen Z, labeling them as extremists or a dangerous group. The UML has also announced the formation of a central command for the Youth Volunteer Force, a youth resistance group aimed at countering Gen Z and other perceived threats, and is working to expand its presence nationwide. These developments highlight power struggles and resistance within the country.

On the other hand, the security forces in Nepal are facing challenges such as low morale, limited resources, and concerns about legal repercussions for their actions against Gen Z. This has left the population vulnerable and lacking adequate protection. Human rights organizations have criticized the security response for its use of excessive force and extrajudicial killings, calling for transparent investigations. Therefore, Nepal is not only undergoing a period of transition but also facing security vulnerabilities.

The Copenhagen School, led by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver, introduced the concept of securitization in the 1990s, challenging the traditional military-focused definition of security. They expanded the concept to include issues like human rights, poverty, and the environment, inspiring a new generation of scholars to broaden their understanding of security (Flohr, March 31, 2025). This analysis examines the Gen Z non-violent movement through the lens of securitization theory, with security forces playing a central role.

Nepal’s securitization theory is facing a variety of threats, including the people’s non-violent movement in 1990, the people’s war from 1996 to 2006, the republic movement in 2006, the Madhes movement in 2007, the 2015 earthquake, the Corona pandemic, natural calamities, climate change, cyberattacks, economic instability, and most recently the Gen Z non-violent movement leading to revolution. Traditional security studies, which focus on the Nepal police, the armed police force, and the Nepal Army, as well as threats from nation-states, are insufficient in understanding these complex vulnerabilities.  Thus, securitization theory offers a dynamic and critical perspective to address these evolving challenges, particularly in relation to the Gen Z non-violent movement and beyond.

Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, the first interim prime minister of a multi-party democracy, was appointed on April 19, 1990, marking the end of the 30-year-old panchayat system.  Just five days into his term, rumors began to circulate that the police were plotting against the new government and the restoration of democracy. An enraged mob of protesters took matters into their own hands and tied an Assistant Inspector of Police to a statue at Kalimati Chowk. They proceeded to beat him with a rope until he was naked and succumbed to his injuries. The junior officer’s brutal killing took place in broad daylight in front of a large crowd of policemen who were unable to intervene effectively, despite being only 100 meters away in Balkhu-side road. All they could do was fire warning shots into the air. The police eventually retrieved the officer’s body under the cover of darkness, 10 hours after the tragic incident.

In Teku, after overpowering six policemen, the enraged protestors loaded them onto a cart and transported them to Singha Durbar amidst a massive crowd passing through Tripureshwor, Thapathali, and Maitighar. The memory of that chaotic day still haunts me, as I witnessed the violent scene unfold with protestors shouting and screaming. The situation was so intense that I feared for my own safety, as the angry mob showed no mercy even towards law enforcement. I vividly remember the tragic sight of about a dozen policemen being killed by the enraged crowd. The memory of that day left me in a state of shock for weeks, unable to eat, sleep, or talk. I deeply regret not being able to help those injured policemen in their time of need. The lack of compassion from the protestors towards the victims was disheartening. I consider myself a witness to the brutality of that day, a reminder of the horrors that unfolded. I am a living martyr to that horrific situation.

Now, let’s discuss why and how the Gen Z nonviolent uprising began and what its results were. Oli’s misuse of power for personal and party gains, reminiscent of Mussolini’s tactics, contradicted his public image. Oli epitomizes corruption and abuse of state power, engaging in nepotism, favoritism, cronyism, gangsterism, clientelism, and other unethical practices. He has manipulated the justice system by appointing allies to key positions, including UML members in parliament and the attorney general in the Supreme Court. Nepal has seen Oli’s ruthless efforts to eliminate rivals and opponents at any cost.  He protected corrupt individuals and outmaneuvers his opponents, making it challenging for them to succeed in mainstream politics.

Generation Z noticed that their parents and grandparents had been harboring internal anger for a long time. Despite their success in bringing about political change, they felt a sense of sadness as they witnessed party leaders burdening the country with debt, widespread corruption, job opportunities dependent on favoritism towards leaders, and the privileged lifestyle of leaders’ children abroad.

On September 8, starting at 8:30 am, students left school and gathered at Maitighar in Kathmandu with a single demand: to end corruption. The media presence was significant, and curious onlookers also joined the crowd. The authorities had obtained permission from the Chief District Officer’s office to ensure peace and security.  However, neither the prime minister, the home minister, nor the police administration paid attention to the Gen Z nonviolent movement. The Home Minister, Secretary, and Inspector General of Police were absent as they attended a meeting of the parliamentary committee in the federal parliament.

After the extrajudicial killing to 76 unarmed young demonstrators, Gen Z has two main demands: the immediate arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, and the direct election of the executive.  The Nepal Police sent the complaint against Oli and Lekhak on October 6 to the Commission of Inquiry into the Incidents of September 8 and 9, 2025. However, on October 9, the Commission of Inquiry returned the complaint to the Nepal Police. The statement mentioned that Nepalese law empowers the government to promptly investigate and act against individuals involved in criminal offenses. The complaint and related documents were forwarded to the District Police Office in Kathmandu, along with a copy of the Commission’s press release from October 7, 2025, which stated that there is no need to wait for the Commission’s report to initiate investigations in criminal cases (ekantipur.com, October 9, 2025).

The Inspector Generals of the Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force are refusing to be arrested out of fear that they may face imprisonment on moral grounds if Oli and Lekhak are imprisoned.  They have announced that they will resign instead of being arrested. Gen Z and others are calling for an investigation into the police chiefs for not complying with government orders. Gen Z leaders are also offering condolences for what they perceive as the incompetence of Prime Minister Karki and Home Minister Aryal.

The increase in criminal activities is a major threat to public safety, leading to the need for immediate government action. Due to limited police presence, citizens are advised to enhance their own security measures, especially at night.

The police are grappling with major challenges as a result of their facilities being destroyed in fires, leaving them without necessary resources and living accommodations. They have lost all of their belongings, including clothing, and the state is struggling to offer adequate support. Furthermore, officials are experiencing emotional trauma and distress, necessitating psychological counseling to enhance their well-being and morale. The absence of security forces in rural areas of Nepal has prompted civilians to take charge of their own security.

Securitization theory offers a detailed examination of non-violent uprisings by Gen Z. It delves into how protesters frame their demands as security issues through “protest strand securitization,” and how governments respond by portraying the protests as threats to national security. This framework sheds light on the dialogue between protestors and the state, as both sides use security rhetoric to justify their actions and elevate the issues beyond regular political discourse.

2.  Internationalist Theory

Internationalist theory illustrates a growing trend of global interconnectedness among young people who use technology to connect, organize, and advocate for change on a global level. Internationalism is a political principle that encourages cooperation and solidarity among nations to address global challenges and promote peace and prosperity. It underscores the significance of diplomacy, multilateralism, and international organizations in resolving conflicts and promoting shared interests. Internationalists believe in the interconnected nature of the world and the need for collective action to address issues such as the Gen Z non-violent uprising, climate change, poverty, and human rights violations.

The Gen Z movement’s focus on issues like corruption and governance resonates with internationalist principles of promoting transparency, accountability, and cooperation across borders. By embracing these values and utilizing digital tools to amplify their voices, Gen Z activists are contributing to a more interconnected and collaborative world.

Immanuel Kant introduced the concept of “international” to promote lasting peace and contributed ideas that have influenced modern liberal internationalism, international law, and human rights in his 1795 work, “Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch” (Kant, 1991 & Jung, 2025). Similarly, Jeremy Bentham used the term “international” in his work “A Plan for a Universal and Perpetual Peace” (1786–89) in “Principles of International Law.” This study focuses on the suffix “-ist” in the term “internationalist” to define a system and theory for understanding international cooperation.

Internationalist theory is a set of political and social principles, cultural and class boundaries, and ideologies that promote greater understanding and cooperation among peoples and nations. It transcends beyond narrow national interests to emphasize shared human values and collective action in addressing global challenges.  In this paper, the author examines the factors leading to the transformation of the nonviolent Gen Z non-violent uprising in Nepal into a violent one, resulting in the destruction and burning of ancient national, individual, and corporate properties. The author also explores whether the emergence of the large Gen Z movement was influenced by the anti-corruption non-violent movement among Nepal’s youths and young individuals.  The role of both domestic and foreign forces will be analyzed to assess their potential involvement with vested interests in the Gen Z movement, including financial and moral support.

Former prime minister Oli has allegedly claimed that foreign elements are behind the Gen Z non-violent movement, orchestrating it to remove him from power. The young squad and cyber army assigned to Oli’s security are challenging the deep state government, calling for his arrest and detention. They blame the government’s decisions on being influenced by foreign powers and being illegitimate. Speculations suggest that the movement aims to destabilize China’s control over Tibet, with the Barbara Foundation identified as a key player in this foreign influence.

Sudan Gurung, a prominent youth figure in the Gen Z non-violent movement and a member of Generation Y, has sparked widespread discussion and debate regarding the financial support provided by the Barbara Foundation to his organization, Hami Nepal. The Barbara Foundation is named after former USA spy Barbara Adams, who resided in Nepal from 1961 onwards. Barbara was expelled from Nepal twice, first during King Mahendra’s rule in the 1960s and again in 2000 during PM Girija Prasad Koirala’s tenure. In 2008, the Government of Nepal, led by Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda), granted her honorary Nepali citizenship.

Nepal’s renowned eye surgeon Dr. Sanduk Ruit, is the president of the Barbara Foundation and has explicitly stated that Babara has no affiliation with Hami Nepal. Various suspicions, doubts, and allegations have arisen in Nepal regarding the foundation’s role. The involvement of Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, UML Secretary Yogesh Bhattarai, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Vice President Dr. Swarnim Wagle, journalist Dilbhushan Pathak, and others has been noted (https://www.republicadainik.com/2025/09/111168/).

Sushila Karki, who led the interim cabinet following the Gen Z non-violent movement, has been captured in videos and photos participating in Barbara Foundation events on multiple occasions. Journalist Jagdish Kharel, a Barbara Foundation member, has been appointed Minister of Communications, Information, and Technology. Kulmani Ghising, affiliated with the foundation, has assumed the role of Minister of Energy. Rameshwor Khanal, also allegedly linked to the foundation, has been appointed Minister of Finance.

Notable individuals associated with the case include Haribansha Acharya, Madan Krishna Acharya, Hari Bahadur Thapa, Kiran Nepal, Mohana Ansari, Ravi Lamichhane, Kedar Bhakta Mathema, former President Dr. Ram Baran Yadav, Dr. Bhagwan Koirala, journalists Tikaram Yatri and Anuradha Koirala, and others (https://www.republicadainik.com/2025/09/111168/).

The Gen Z non-violent uprising was rumored to have received support from the West and India. On September 7, a day before the Gen Z non-violent uprising, Indian Army General Ashwini Sharma arrived in Nepal secretly at 4:25 pm on Air India flight AI 2219.  During his visit, he met with various young individuals at the Indian Embassy in Nepal at Lainchaur, including Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Sah and Hami Nepal Chairman Sudan Gurung late at night for an hour. Following the success of the movement, the individuals they selected were included in the interim government. Sharma remained at the embassy until a new prime minister was appointed in Nepal.  He quietly departed for Delhi on September 11 at 5:20 p.m. as a regular passenger on Air India flight 2220 (https://www.janaaastha.com/story/171396).

It is not surprising that Nepali leaders, who have failed to effectively serve their country and its people, often apply internationalist theory. Such leaders have often shifted their alliances between China, India, and other international power centers. Nepal’s strategic location allows it to potentially encircle China and keep an eye on India.

Gen Z’s peaceful uprising is crucial in shaping a new phase of global mobilization. They are leveraging digital tools for rapid coordination and collective action to drive political change through international cooperation and shared values. This aligns with the core principles of internationalist theory.

3.   Force Theory

The Force Theory is a political concept that explains the establishment and maintenance of states or governments through the use of force and conquest, rather than through the consent of the governed. It involves the transition from nonviolent to violent conflict to establish a new government, where one group asserts control over others to create social order and governance. The idea of force, proposed by Ludwig Gumplowicz, suggests that the formation of nations and social classes often arises from a progression from nonviolent uprising to revolution resulting in conquests between different groups (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ludwig_Gumplowicz). The force theory is a traditional political science theory that aligns with the dynamics of Gen Z political movements.

The resignation of the two-thirds majority holding (UML) Oli-led government coalition with the Nepali Congress due to pressure from Gen Z, a social class, led to the prime minister fleeing in a Nepal Army helicopter from his residence. Gen Z, a nonviolent movement, engaged in destructive actions, such as setting government offices on fire and targeting Oli’s close associates, including Bhatbhateni, during this transition period. The country’s security agencies faced challenges in maintaining order, with many security officials abandoning their duties to ensure their own safety.

Prime Minister Oli resigned from his residence in Baluwatar, and his resignation was swiftly taken to the current Presidential Office by the Nepal Army Chief, located just 500 meters away, where it was immediately accepted. Rumors quickly spread that Oli was planning to flee to Qatar. Concerned citizens, particularly the youth of Gen Z and their supporters, began searching for possible escape routes Oli might take. They even checked if Oli was still present in the ambulance carrying an injured person. A large group gathered at the airport to see whether Oli would go abroad for refuge until it was closed by 2:30 p.m. Some protestors inspected potential transit points out of the Kathmandu valley in case Oli attempted to flee to India by car or other means. Their primary objective was to prevent Oli from escaping abroad and ensure he remained in Nepal to face consequences for the alleged genocide against Gen Z.

After Oli’s resignation was accepted, the army rescued him, his wife, and his adopted son, Chief Personal Secretary Rajesh Bajracharya, by dropping a rope from a helicopter at 1:30 pm. Oli and his family escaped by opening the roof door of their quarters and hanging onto a rope, surprisingly leaving behind Deputy Prime Minister Bishnu Poudel, UML Party’s powerful general secretary Shankar Pokhrel, and others who had arrived to ensure their safety. They were then taken to an undisclosed army camp. The situation was so dire that a helicopter couldn’t land at the Prime Minister’s quarters for his rescue. Oli himself admitted that if the rescue had been delayed by just 5 minutes, he would have been burned inside his quarters. It is a rare event in the world that the Prime Minister of the country, Oli, managed to escape by hanging from a military helicopter.

The protesters had completely taken control over the area where he lived. If Oli had resigned on the same day that 22 Gen Z young individuals were killed, Nepal might have been spared the devastation and genocide that set it back 30 years. His stubbornness led to destruction of the country, resulting in a historic loss of life and property.

Oli, who was born into a poor family in the hilly village of Chhatedhunga in the Tehrathum district, faced hardships from a young age. He lost his mother early on and had to work as a shepherd in other households while trying to study in his limited free time. This lack of family support and affection, coupled with a difficult upbringing, had a profound psychological impact on him. Oli also remained childless, which may have contributed to his harsh treatment of others, especially children.

The tragic incident involving the students’ further highlights Oli’s ruthless behavior. Despite appearing in public in a month-long period in Bhaktapur on October 9, 2025, he has shown no remorse for the loss of innocent lives. Instead, he is focused on regaining power and has expressed his intention to seek reinstatement as prime minister through the Supreme Court. The lack of empathy and accountability in his actions is concerning, especially considering the seriousness of the situation. He appears to be more autocratic than Benito Mussolini in such circumstances.

It is distressing to see children suffer and power being abused for personal gain. Oli’s actions highlight a concerning pattern of corruption driven by power and money, disregarding the welfare of others. The Supreme Court, predominantly composed of UML party members, faces a difficult decision in this matter.

In Nepal’s history, no government has been as autocratic as Oli’s, surpassing the 104-year Rana regime and the 30-year Panchayat system.  The Rana regime saw a dozen deaths, while the 1990 people’s movement claimed one and a half dozen lives, and the republican movement in 2006 resulted in two dozen casualties (Pathak, September 22, 2025). During Oli’s tenure, 76 future leaders lost their lives, some of whom were found burnt inside Bhatbhateni supermarkets.  Around two dozen individuals lost their lives in Bhatbhateni, with many entering into loot out of poverty or coercion, only to tragically perish due to suffocation in the fire.

Following Oli’s tenure, Nepal fell under the control of corrupt elements, thugs, and destructive forces masquerading as Gen Z, acting in their own interests and those of other leaders. Even the genuine Gen Z members were helpless spectators to the daily chaos and looting. The Nepal Army failed to prevent the burning of significant landmarks like the President’s House and Singha Durbar, neglecting its security responsibilities. The country was ravaged by violence in the name of Gen Z, with major businesses being looted and set ablaze. Law and order collapsed for 8.30 hours, with no functioning government or security apparatus in place. The army only began restoring security measures at 10 pm on September 9, after widespread destruction had already occurred.

Criticism was directed at the army for its delayed response and apparent reluctance to intervene while the country was in turmoil. However, on October 10, the army announced the arrest of 27 individuals involved in destructive activities, including looting, arson, and endangering lives and property during the chaotic period.

After the Nepali Army took over security control in Nepal, there was optimism for public security and stability. The army chief swiftly formed a new government within two days. The selection of a new prime minister sparked disagreement among the younger generation. Initially, Kathmandu Municipality Mayor Balen was a contender, but he nominated Sushila Karki. Karki, supported by Western powers and India, faced opposition from Gen Z supporters of Dharan Municipality Mayor Hark Sangpang, leading to a scuffle outside the army headquarters. Despite the tensions, Karki emerged as the prime minister with the backing of one section of Gen Z, Western powers, and India.

Oli, who was seeking refuge in the Nepal Army quarters, recommended Sushila Karki to President Ram Chandra Poudel as the new Prime Minister of interim government to address the crisis. Consequently, Karki, nominated by a faction of young generation, was appointed as the interim Prime Minister on September 12, 2025, becoming the first woman to hold the position in Nepal. Karki swiftly took office and recommended the dissolution of the federal parliament on her first day in office. She gradually formed a cabinet, administering oaths to ministers on September 15 and 22.

However, key ministries, such as foreign affairs, remain vacant, leading to a situation where Nepali diplomatic missions abroad, often staffed with UML and Congress cadres appointed by leaders for personal gain, are not effectively representing the spirit of the Gen Z non-violent uprising. Foreign embassies in Nepal are also uncertain due to the ongoing confusion in the government.

The force theory in Nepal is escalating as tensions intensify due to Oli’s continued push for forceful actions challenging the legitimacy of the interim government. Oli has openly rejected an inquiry commission to uncover the truth about the loss of lives, casualties, and damages from the Gen Z non-violent uprising. He has already directed his youth wings and goons to oppose the government’s decisions that he deems illegitimate. Therefore, the force theory raises concerns about potential turbulence in Nepal.

Gen Z’s non-violent uprisings challenge governments that rely on coercive force, demonstrating the power of the consent of the governed.

4.   Sensationalist Theory

The Sensationalist Theory aims to popularize philosophy and media studies by capturing public attention. In philosophy, it highlights the significance of perception and sensation in comprehending the world, while in media studies, it focuses on the use of sensationalism in news reporting to boost viewership. This theory has far-reaching implications for different academic fields and shapes the way information is perceived and shared. This is a powerful tactic used by Gen Z in Nepal to share and initiate non-violent uprisings across the nation against corruption and for good governance.

The concept of sensationalist theory is studied in media studies, sociology, and psychology. The term “sensationalist” originates from the suffix “-ist,” indicating a doctrine or theory.  It was first introduced by French philosopher Étienne Bonnot de Condillac in his book “Treatise on the Sensations” in 1754, influenced by British empiricist John Locke.

This section of the paper explores the journalistic purpose and practice that investigates the cause-and-effect relationships between media, public perception, society, nation, and beyond. It analyzes the role of social media and mainstream media in disseminating news and gathering opinions from a specific age group known as Gen Z. The platform was used for a non-violent movement against corruption primarily and a social media ban secondarily. The paper delves into the impact of this non-violent  uprising and its ongoing effects.

Cyabra, an Israel-based company specializing in detecting online disinformation, discovered that during the Gen Z movement in Nepal on September 8th & 9th, 2025, fake accounts on X (formerly Twitter) accounted for 34% of sampled profiles. These fake accounts amplified protest hashtags and engaged with real users to increase their influence. Despite their smaller numbers, fake accounts generated 11.5 percent of total engagements, totaling over 164,000 interactions and potentially reaching 326 million views, which is 14 percent of the total reach. The protests, initially sparked online with the hashtag #Nepokid, intensified after the government banned 26 social media apps (Ray, October 12, 2025).

Coordinated fake accounts spread narratives that reached over 326 million potential viewers globally. The protests turned violent on September 8th, leading to the resignation of Prime Minister Oli. Cyabra’s report highlighted the dual nature of social media in the Gen Z protests in Nepal, enabling youth mobilization and expression of grievances while also being vulnerable to manipulation by fake actors. Dr. Rajib Subba, a cybersecurity researcher, stressed the importance of global vigilance to combat these threats (Satyal, October 7, 2025 & https://cyabra.com/reports/nepals-protests-show-fake-profiles-driving-real-impact/).

Sudan Gurung, the founder of Hami Nepal, initially supported the protesters by distributing water at Maitighar.  Later he was seen as an influential leader in a group during the protest. He played a significant role in shaping the citizens’ government by appointing Sushila as the prime minister of the interim government based on his recommendation. Gurung, who is outside the Gen Z age group, has been reported to have associations with the Barbara Foundation and the US Embassy Youth Council, leading to speculation about foreign influence in the non-violent  uprising. Mahesh Basnet, a bodyguard of UML Oli, has accused Gurung of being a traitor under foreign influence (https://english.pardafas.com/mahesh-basnet-draws-backlash-for-provocative-remarks-at-bhaktapur-gathering/).

The Nepali Congress has also criticized Gurung’s involvement in decision-making processes within the government.  There are allegations that foreign powers have manipulated the media to hijack the demands of Gen Z after the success of the movement. Gurung has faced criticism on various media platforms, including social media, mainstream media, TikTok, and YouTube. There are also rumors that Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shaha is supporting Gurung.

The success of the Gen Z non-violent uprising can be largely attributed to the media, which has also fueled their leadership aspirations. However, jingoistic media has played a role in creating division within Gen Z. It is clear that Gen Z will face challenges in the future as a result of jingoistic media. The proliferation of fake news and cyber armies in Nepal poses a significant threat, with corrupt leaders using their illicit gains to fund cyber armies that spread misinformation and deceive society. This has led to the rise of Sensationalist Theory, which is currently influencing the socio- political landscape in Nepal.

The sensationalist theory suggests that Gen Z’s nonviolent uprising is driven by a desire for social media attention. Critics argue that this perspective undermines the genuine nature of youth activism, portraying it as mere theatrics for online audiences. However, it is important to acknowledge the sincere commitment of young activists who are working towards social change through peaceful methods. Gen Z employs attention-grabbing strategies to bring attention to important political issues, despite their detractors dismissing these tactics as sensationalism to discredit their cause and control the narrative.

5.  Functionalist Theory

Functionalist theory is a multidisciplinary perspective in political science, sociology, and anthropology that views society as a complex system with interconnected parts. These parts work together to promote and maintain social stability, solidarity, law and order, and public safety.  In the context of Gen Z’s non-violent uprising, functionalist theory helps identify and address underlying issues in the system. It examines how Gen Z’s behaviors and attitudes in social institutions contribute to societal stability, focusing on their digital habits, entrepreneurial mindset, and pragmatic approach to change. These aspects play crucial roles in society’s functioning and development (Alfaruqy, Padmonurcahyo, and Salsabila, November 2022 & Ormerod, 2019).

Emile Durkheim, a key figure in functionalist theory, posited that society functions as an interconnected system that maintains social order and stability through collective consciousness and solidarity (EBSCO, 2025). Generation Z, as participants in non-violent movements within various institutions such as family, education, and politics, plays a significant role in fostering social cohesion. They do this by embracing and transmitting shared norms and values to drive socio-political change that benefits not only the family unit but also society and the nation as a whole.

Nepal’s Gen Z is actively involved in promoting economic prosperity and opportunity, healthy communities, demonstrating social sustainability, and the community’s ability to sustain society to meet the needs of current and future generations. This is only achievable through the establishment of an equal and just system in society, progressing without discrimination, corruption, nepotism, and injustice, and ensuring equitable opportunities for all. Nepal’s Gen Z non-violent uprising is a response to prevalent corruption, injustice, exploitation, and oppression. It aims to address the needs of families and communities by maintaining a healthy, educational, and resilient environment for current and future generations.

The uprising has led to the creation of local employment opportunities and economic development, emphasizing equal access to education as a crucial tool for social and economic transformation. Gen Z individuals exhibit a diverse mentality, lifestyle, thinking, and outlook compared to previous generations due to advancements in communication technology. Growing up with smartphones, tablets, AI, the internet, YouTube, and videos has shaped their worldview. The government’s social media ban has further influenced their reliance on online platforms for education, leading to shorter attention spans, and a preference for digital learning methods.

To effectively engage Gen Z in Nepal, it is essential for the government, institutions, old parties such as UML and Nepali Congress, academia, and companies to understand and cater to the desires, values, and preferences of the youth. The functionalist theory provides concrete personal and societal benefits, clear communication, and adaptable education and work arrangements that align with Gen Z’s priorities, such as financial stability, personal development, security, and meaningful work opportunities. By offering purposeful functions within families and society, transparent policies, ongoing training, and nurturing environments that promote diversity and wellness, organizations can better connect with and retain Gen Z employees who are motivated to drive societal change.

After the successful emergence of this transformative uprising, Gen Z has now splintered into various groups. Some of these groups include Hami Nepal, Gen Z Nepal, Gen Z Youth Progress, Gen Z Parsa, Nawa Yug, Gen Z Damak, Siraha Gen Z Group, Gen Z Movement Alliance, Queer Youth Group, We for Change, Culture for Change, Yuwahub Community, Gen Z Jhapa, Logical Nepal, Indigenous Gen Z Collective, and more.

Sudan Gurung, a Generation Y member and the founder of Hami Nepal, suddenly took the lead in negotiations with the Nepali Army to form the Citizen Government, ousting the parliamentary system of government. Under his dynamic leadership, Sushila Karki was appointed as the Prime Minister, with other ministers also chosen based on his recommendations.  However, on the third evening of Karki’s premiership, Gurung and his supporters demanded her resignation, leading to her stepping down in front of Karki’s quarters. Gurung’s communication style in media and society sets him apart from others; he responds to questions aggressively rather than calmly and simply, which has become his trademark.

He has expressed dissatisfaction over the delay in forming the government and told President Ram Chandra Poudel, “I will beat this old man. Why is he trying to save this constitution?” (https://www.ratopati.com/exclusive/517639/we-will-make-leaders-not-allowed-to-contest-elections-by-charging-them-with-corruption).

Some Gen Z representatives have accused Nepalese NGOs of hijacking their cause due to Gurung’s outspoken nature. During a meeting of the Disaster and Conflict Management Division chaired by Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal, parliamentary parties like the UML and Nepali Congress expressed outrage over Gurung’s directives to government employees. Gurung’s outspoken style has led representatives of Gen Z to claim that Nepalese NGOs have taken over their cause.

Just like in the past with movements such as the People’s Movement 1990, the People’s War 1996-2006, and the Republican Movement 2006, the demands of the people have gradually lost their significance over time. The demands of Gen Z are also starting to be overlooked. The government, led by the prime minister and ministers chosen by Gen Z, is failing to address their demands or show the necessary courage to hold accountable and effectively function those responsible for genocide and crimes against humanity.

The neglect of the youth’s demands is reminiscent of past mistakes made by previous governments, leading to social unrest. There is a fear that Nepal may face civil unrest if the government continues to ignore the need for effective governance, rule of law, and stability. As a society, we must remember the lessons of the past and work towards preventing such a scenario from unfolding and becoming dysfunctional.

Functionalist theory sees Gen Z uprisings as vital feedback mechanisms that point out societal dysfunctions and drive social adaptation to maintain equilibrium. Society is viewed as a system of interdependent parts, and when one part fails, the entire system becomes unstable. Gen Z non-violent uprising play a significant role as indicators of these dimensions.

6.   Extraterritoriality Theory

The extraterritoriality theory is an age-old legal principle that originally granted diplomats immunity from local laws, but it has evolved into diplomatic immunity under agreements such as the Vienna Convention. Diplomats are not subject to host country laws but are required to follow them and can be expelled for committing serious offenses (Maginnis, 2003 & United Nations, 1963). This paper explores the international community’s perception of the Gen-Z supported civilian government in Nepal since its formation, with a focus on the entities that have extended congratulations and well wishes to the Karki-led government.

On September 13, 2025, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed a mass meeting in Manipur and warmly congratulated Sushila Karki on assuming the role of prime minister of Nepal’s interim government on behalf of 1.4 billion Indians. Modi expressed confidence that Karki would lead Nepal towards peace, stability, and prosperity. He emphasized the strong friendship between India and Nepal, rooted in shared history and faith, and expressed optimism about their future together (Post Reporter, September 14, 2025).

In a press statement issued on the same day, Modi extended his best wishes to Karki on her new role as the prime minister of Nepal’s interim government. Additionally, he greeted Karki in English, Nepali, and Hindi, wishing her a successful tenure through the social media platform “x.com” (https://x.com/narendramodi, September 13, 2025).  This gesture of congratulating a prime minister in three languages is unprecedented and highlights India’s special regard for Sushila Karki’s leadership compared to previous prime ministers in Nepal. (https://www.ratopati.com/story/512982/indian-counterpart-congratulates-prime-minister-karki-in-three-languages).

On September 13, 2025, the Foreign Ministry spokesperson, through a statement, said, “China congratulates Sushila Karki on becoming Prime Minister of Nepal’s interim government. China, as always, respects the development path chosen independently by the people of Nepal. We stand ready to promote the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, enhance exchanges and cooperation in various fields, and further advance bilateral relations” (Post Report, September 14, 2025). https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/09/14/china-congratulates-karki-on-appointment-as-interim-prime-minister. The US Embassy in Kathmandu has extended congratulations to Nepal’s new interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki.

On September 13, 2025, Tibetan spiritual leader Dalai Lama congratulated Sushila Karki on becoming the Prime Minister of Nepal. He highlighted the historical relationship between the Nepalese and Tibetan peoples, expressing gratitude for Nepal’s support of Tibetan refugees. His Holiness also praised the country’s development and prosperity, wishing her success in meeting the needs of the Nepalese people (https://www.dalailama.com/news/congratulating-the-new-prime-minister-of-nepal).

On September 15, 2025, Khenpo Sonam Tenphel, Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, extended his heartfelt congratulations to Nepal’s interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki. He said, “Tibet and Nepal share a centuries-old spiritual, cultural, and historical relationship, founded on mutual respect and deep-rooted ties. We [want to] take this moment to express our sincere gratitude to the government and people of Nepal for their kindness and generosity in hosting and rehabilitating the Tibetan community over the past decades. Your support has allowed Tibetans in Nepal to preserve their culture and traditions while [making positive contributions] to the wider society” (https://tibet.net/speaker-khenpo-sonam-tenphel-congratulates-nepals-interim-prime-minister-sushila-karki/). Similarly, Sikyong Penpa Tsering of the Central Tibetan Administration, Dharmshala, also sent a congratulatory letter to Sushila Karki on her appointment as the first Interim Prime Minister of the Republic of Nepal (https://tibet.net/sikyong-penpa-tsering-congratulates-nepals-interim-prime-minister-sushila-karki/).

The United Kingdom, Germany, France, and many other foreign governments have welcomed the appointment of Sushila Karki as prime minister in Nepal’s interim government and expressed their wishes for stabilizing the political situation in Nepal.

Various issues were raised regarding Gen Z, including Nepal’s involvement in the Free Tibet Movement.  It is worth noting that no Nepali prime minister has ever received direct congratulations from the Dalai Lama and his associates, nor have they addressed Tibetan refugees in Nepal to date.  In contrast, Prime Minister Modi recently extended congratulations in three languages for the first time in history.

During Gen Z’s non-violent uprising, the term “Tibetan Original Blood” (TOB) gained attention, sparking controversy on Nepali social media. Many Nepalis are skeptical of this, believing it to be more than just a coincidence. The incumbent government seems to have a significant number of individuals with ties to US power, politics, and donations in some way or another.

Beyond Theory

Children who grow up near their fathers become responsible adults, while those who grow up near their mothers become cultured individuals. Those who are raised near their teachers become knowledgeable scholars, and those who are influenced by their society become role models. Lastly, those who love their country become great change-makers, known as Generation Z. Thus, Gen Z wishes to utilize their nonviolent tools to overthrow (elected) authoritarian regimes and improve living conditions for all by advocating for systematic change.

Beyond Theory is a crucial element in the conclusion, aligning with the theoretical tool discussed earlier. This theory explores potential advancements in Nepal that were not addressed by previous theories, emphasizing the value of practical experience in acquiring knowledge.  It underscores the importance of hands-on application in various fields, suggesting that true understanding and impact come from implementation rather than just academic study.

The talk of deep stays has also come up in connection with the Gen Z non-violent movement. ‘Deep State’ means a hidden state within a state, a secret state, an inner state, or an invisible state and government (www.nepalviews.com/story/221306). A deep state is a secretive and covert network within a government where foreign and bureaucratic elites and intelligence agencies exert influence and control over the country’s leadership, often against the will of elected officials. The deep state undermines the elected bodies and political leaders. Godwin Chikaodi Ehochi says, “This concept gained widespread attention during the presidency of Donald Trump, whose outsider status and confrontational approach to established political institutions seemed to clash with the perceived power of the Deep State” (2024).

The concept has also been utilized as a conspiracy theory in global politics, particularly by powerful nations (Abramson, 2017 & Tyler, 2025). Generally, the deep state abuses state power without holding any authority or legal status; for instance, Sudan Gurung, founder of an NGO called Hami Nepal (https://www.haminepal.org/). Gurung does not have an official position in Sushila Karki’s new government, but he wields influence over decision-making processes. Despite not being part of the Gen Z age group, he still plays a significant role in government decisions. Gurung has neither social status nor academic status, but his organization receives donations from the Barbara Foundation. The term first emerged in Turkey in the 1990s and has since been linked to countries such as Egypt, Thailand, the USA, and Nepal (Barlow, 2025).

The discussion also involves the presence of a group known as TOB during the Gen Z non-violent movement. Members of this group, dressed in black T-shirts and jackets with ‘TOB’ written on them, arrived on motorcycles carrying black flags with the same acronym. They were accused of agitating the crowd and causing disruptions during the peaceful protest.  The police have initiated an investigation into the group’s activities. Through Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) methods, Kantipur found videos related to TOB. The group, led by Tenzing Dawa Lama, rode Royal Enfield motorcycles and wore black masks. Tenzing, with tattoos and long hair, wore a T-shirt that said ‘Tibetan Original Blood’ along with ‘TOB.’ Videos show him giving instructions to the youth on bikes, sometimes in a calm manner and other times engaging in provocative behavior (Dudhraj & Pokhrel, October 13, 2025).

Tenzing’s statements in the videos range from encouraging the crowd to stay put to using vulgar language to incite them. The Facebook group ‘Tibetan Original Blood,’ established in 2012 with 1,500 members, supports the Free Tibet Movement. It acts as a platform for Tibetans and supporters of an independent Tibet to connect and discuss various topics. The group is not affiliated with any specific organization and promotes discussion on politics, philosophy, music, and current events related to Tibet. Photos and statements advocating for a free Tibet, including messages from the Dalai Lama, have been shared on the group’s page (Dudhraj & Pokhrel, October 13, 2025).

Questions have been raised about Sudan Gurung, who was prominently involved in discussions at the Nepal Army headquarters and the President’s Office during the post-Gen Z non-violent movement. This is due to the collaboration between his organization, Hami Nepal, and Students for a Free Tibet. The latter organization, established in 1994 by Tibetan and young student supporters in New York, USA, has acknowledged ‘We Nepal’ on its website as a goodwill gesture (Dudhraj & Pokhrel, October 13, 2025).

The main goal of the Karki-led government is to hold elections on March 5, 2026. However, there are challenges, as the election environment has not been fully established and major political parties have not confirmed their participation. The UML, under Oli’s leadership, is aiming to regain power by questioning the current government’s legitimacy in the Supreme Court and organizing protests on the streets.  On the first day the court reopened, 12 petitions were filed against the citizens’ government (english.khabarhub.com/2025/14/501411/). There has been a significant uprising of youths and young individuals against Oli. The UML is seeking a way to avoid the elections, fearing potential defeat. The Nepali Congress is facing uncertainty. In contrast, smaller parties like the Nepali Communist Party (NCP), the Socialist Party of Nepal (CPN), the National Independent Party, and the National Democratic Party have already committed to participating in the elections. Additionally, several Gen Z groups have formed parties to compete in the upcoming elections.

The likelihood of holding elections on the scheduled date is very low if the current government remains in power. The Nepal Police lacks the necessary resources, such as offices and vehicles, to ensure security during the elections. Additionally, with all government documents destroyed, the Ministry of Home Affairs has no records of candidates, making it difficult to verify their eligibility. Sri Lanka took 15 months to hold elections after an interim government was formed in 2022, while Bangladesh is set to hold elections in 19 months in February 2026. Given these examples, the prospects of timely elections in Nepal are slim.

While Nepal is currently experiencing a non-violent uprising led by Gen Z, this movement is not confined to Nepal alone.  It is a powerful youth-led campaign against corruption. Despite the ideological (rightist versus leftist) divisions in global politics, the Gen Z voice is advocating for transparent governance and equal distribution of resources and opportunities. This movement is likely to expand globally in the coming decade, with India being particularly vulnerable.

On the other hand, Gen Z non-violent uprising has pointed out that the Nepal Police is hesitant to prosecute individuals involved in crimes against humanity and genocide, even if the government desires it. The likelihood of a repeat election is low due to notorious individuals linked to these crimes working against the current government.  Additionally, foreign powers are seeking to advance their own agendas by sowing discord in Nepal during this transitional period. Calls for the return of the monarchy are gaining traction, and there is a potential for the Oli faction to align with the king. An influential faction within the Nepali Congress is pushing for the establishment of a Hindu state with a ceremonial role for the king.

Former Maoist leader and ex-Prime Minister Dr. Baburam Bhattarai has advocated for a role for the monarchy in Nepal. Indian Prime Minister Modi has expressed a longstanding commitment to reinstating Nepal as a Hindu nation. The tradition of India and China inviting Nepali prime ministers for visits immediately after taking the oath of administration has been broken this year.  The congratulatory message from the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson to the Karki-led government carries a significant diplomatic sign of unhappiness.

Nepal is currently facing multiple crises. Historically, the Dalai Lama and his government have not congratulated Nepal’s prime ministers or discussed the Tibetan issue.  However, in a surprising turn of events, the Dalai Lama, along with the Tibetan government and parliament leader, has congratulated and extended best wishes to the Karki-led government and is seeking assistance for Tibetan refugees in Nepal. This shift is significant, as it indicates China’s increasing involvement in the Tibetan issue, posing a potential risk to Nepal. This concern must be addressed before it is too late to prevent any negative consequences in the future.

Nepal’s Gen Z non-violent uprising is actively working to contribute to the country’s economic growth, education, and community well-being in order to promote social sustainability for both current and future generations. However, their progress is being hindered by corruption and injustice perpetuated by leaders of the UML and Nepali Congress parties, who are facing legal challenges for their misconduct.

Corruption, characterized by the illegal exploitation of power for personal gain by public officials, government entities, and non-government organizations, leads to resource wastage, skewed budget distribution, inefficiency, and unpredictability. It also impedes development, erodes trust in authority, and weakens the overall system. Corruption in Nepal is rampant, pervasive, and deeply ingrained, affecting all aspects of society.

However, the Supreme Court may dismiss the current citizen government, as almost all judges have ties to the UML and Nepali Congress cadres. This potential verdict could undermine the sacrifices and efforts of Gen Z who are striving for positive change. This situation risks plunging Nepal into a vicious cycle of conflict and civil unrest, overshadowing the aspirations of the youth for a better future for Nepal.

The emerging theories in Nepal showcase a fusion of tradition, modernization, and political change. The Gen Z population in Nepal is embracing digital advancements while staying connected to their cultural heritage, giving their movement a unique identity. Common themes such as youth activism, digital presence, demands for equality, and distrust of traditional establishments are not limited to Nepal but resonate worldwide within the Gen Z movement. These themes are visible in climate protests in Europe, social justice campaigns in the Americas, the Fair Start movements against democratic backsliding in Asia, and calls for equitable resource allocation in Africa.

References

1. Abramson, A.(2017). “Trump’s Allies Keep Talking About the ‘Deep State.’ What’s That?”.  Retrieved October 6, 2025, from https://time.com/4692178/donald-trump-deep-state-breitbart-barack-obama/.
2. Alfaruqy, Muhammad Z., Padmonurcahyo, Anandaru, & Salsabila, Adinda Z., (2022, November). “Explaining the forms of generation Z’s political engagement: A study on generation Z in Semarang, Indonesia”. Simulacra. Volume 5. Issue 2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21107/sml.v5i2.17047.
3. Barlow, Austin. (2025). Deep State Control: Unveiling the Hidden Network Shaping Global Policies. Arcanaverse Books.
4. Bentham, Jeremy. (2015, April). Principal of International Law. www.WealthOfNation.com.
5. Buzan, B., Waedekin, O., & Lemaistre, L. (2010). Security: New editions. Polity.
6. Dudhraj, Daya & Pokhrel, Gaurab. (2025, October 13). “The activity of an unknown group in the movement created suspicion in society”. Kantipur. Retrieved October 13, 2025, from https://epaper.ekantipur.com/kantipur.
7. Dulal, Durga. (2025, October 11). When will a high-level commission be formed to investigate corruption and wealth?com. Retrieved on October 12, 2025, from https://epaper.ekantipur.com/kantipur.
8. (2025). Durkheim and the Structure and Function of Society. Retrieved October 8, 2025, from https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/social-sciences-and-humanities/durkheim-and-structure-and-function-society.
9. Ehochi, Godwin Chikaodi. (2024). “The Concept of the Deep State and President Trump’s Emergence: An Exploration”. Journal of Political Discourse. Volume 2. No. 4(1).

10.  eKantipur.com. (2025, October 9). The commission sent the complaint against Oli and the writer back to the police. Retrieved October 10, 2025, from https://ekantipur.com/news/2025/10/09/the-complaint-commission-against-oli-and-the-writer-sent-the-police-back-12-27.html.

11.  Flohr, Mikkel. (2025, March 31). Key Concept: Securitization. Retrieved October 10, 2025, from https://criticallegalthinking.com/2025/03/31/key-concept-securitization-copenhagen-school/.

12. Jung, Haneul “Hahn”. (2025). Kant’s Perpetual Peace: The Foundation of the Liberal Worldview. Retrieved October 9, 2025, from https://ssrn.com/abstract=5079629 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.5079629
13. Kant, Immanuel. (1991). Perpetual peace: a philosophical sketch. Cambridge University Press.
14. com. (2025, October 14). Retrieved October 19, 2025, from https://english.khabarhub.com/2025/14/501411/.
15. Ludwig Gumplowicz. Retrieved October 11, 2025, from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ludwig_Gumplowicz.
16. Maginnis, Veronica L. (2003). 989 Limiting Diplomatic Immunity: Lessons Learned from the 1946 Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations. Brooklyn Journal of International Law. Retrieved October 12, 2025, from https://www.jurisafrica.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Privilegs_and_Immunities_of_International_Organizations.pdf.
17. Mahesh Basnet Draws Backlash for Provocative Remarks at Bhaktapur Gathering. Retrieved December 7, 2025, from https://english.pardafas.com/mahesh-basnet-draws-backlash-for-provocative-remarks-at-bhaktapur-gathering/.
18. Nepal’s Protests Show Fake Profiles Driving Real Impact. Retrieved October 7, 2025, from https://cyabra.com/reports/nepals-protests-show-fake-profiles-driving-real-impact/.
19. Ormerod, R. (2019). “The history and ideas of sociological functionalism: Talcott Parsons, modern sociological theory, and the relevance for OR”. Journal of the Operational Research Society. https://doi.org/10.1080/01605682.2019.1640590.

20.  Pathak, Bishnu. (2025, September 22). “Gen Z Nonviolent Movement to Revolution against Corruption in Nepal”. TRANSCEND Media Service. Retrieved October 11, 2025, from https://www.transcend.org/tms/2025/09/gen-z-nonviolent-movement-to-revolution-against-corruption-in-nepal/.

21. Post Report. (2025, November 28). “Over 7,00 weapons recovered, 9,000 prisoners return, says home minister”. The Kathmandu Post. Retrieved December 9, 2025, from https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/11/28/over-7-000-weapons-recovered-9-000-prisoners-return-says-home-minister.
22. Post Report. (2025, September 14). “Modi congratulates prime minister Karki from Manipur mass meeting”. The Kathmandu Post. Retrieved December 5, 2025, from https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/09/14/modi-congratulates-prime-minister-karki-from-manipur-mass-meeting.
23. Post Reporter. (2025, September 14). “China congratulates Karki on appointment as interim prime minister”. The Kathmandu Post. Retrieved October 11, 2025, from https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/09/14/china-congratulates-karki-on-appointment-as-interim-prime-minister
24. (October 17, 2025). Army report: 22 protesters killed in Gen Z uprising. Retrieved https://www.ratopati.com/story/518678/army-report-22-protesters-killed-in-genji-uprising.
25. Ray, Aarati. (2025, October 12). “Cyabra reports on Nepal’s Gen Z protest comes under scrutiny”. The Kathmandu Post. Retrieved December 10, 2025, from https://kathmandupost.com/national/2025/10/12/cyabra-report-on-nepal-gen-z-protest-comes-under-scrutiny.
26. Republica. (2025, November 13). 718 weapons recovered, over 9,400 fugitives return to prison after Gen Z protest. Retrieved December 9, 2025, from https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/718-weapons-recovered-over-9400-fugitives-return-to-prison-after-gen-z-prot-80-38.html.

27.  Retrieved October 10, 2025, from https://www.janaaastha.com/story/171396.

28.  Retrieved October 10, 2025, from https://www.republicadainik.com/2025/09/111168/.

29. Retrieved October 12, 2025, from https://x.com/narendramodi.
30. Retrieved October 13, 2024, from https://www.ratopati.com/story/512982/indian-counterpart-congratulates-prime-minister-karki-in-three-languages.
31. Retrieved October 13, 2025, from https://www.ratopati.com/exclusive/517639/we-will-make-leaders-not-allowed-to-contest-elections-by-charging-them-with-corruption.
32. Retrieved October 6, 2025, from https://www.nepalviews.com/story/221306.
33. Retrieved October 7, 2025, from https://janaaastha.com/story/171671.
34. Retrieved October 7, 2025, from https://www.haminepal.org/.
35. Retrieved October 9, 2025, from https://www.republicadainik.com/2025/09/111168/.
36. Satyal, Ujjwal. (2025, October 7). “Coordinated fake social media accounts drove Nepal’s Gen Z protest cyber intelligence finds”. Republica & New York Times. Retrieved October 7, 2025, from https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/coordinated-fake-social-media-accounts-drove-nepals-gen-z-protest-cyber-int-49-87.html.
37. The 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet. (2025, September 13). Congratulating the New Prime Minister of Nepal. Retrieved October 10, 2025, from https://www.dalailama.com/news/congratulating-the-new-prime-minister-of-nepal.
38. Tyler, Biscontini. (2025). Deep State. EBSCO Knowledge Advantage. Retrieved October 6, 2025, from https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/politics-and-government/deep-state.
39. United Nations. (1963). Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. United Nations. Retrieved on October 13, 2025, from https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/9_2_1963.pdf.
40. Wæver, O. (1995). Securitization and Desecuritization. New York University Press.

____________________________________________

Professor Bishnu Pathak is a distinguished member of the Truth Alliance and former commissioner at Nepal’s Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP). He has been nominated multiple times (2014-2019) for the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of his groundbreaking work on the peace-conflict lifecycle, a framework he likens to an ecosystem.  This lifecycle influences both academic discourse and practical peacebuilding efforts worldwide. With a Ph.D. in Conflict Transformation and Human Rights, Dr. Pathak brings over three decades of experience in peacebuilding, transitional justice, and human rights advocacy. Serving as a board member at the TRANSCEND Peace University, Mr. Pathak has authored 150 international papers and a dozen books that are widely referenced in over 100 countries. His publications cover a wide range of topics, including peace and conflict studies, human rights, human security, geopolitics, birthright equity, and transitional justice. For inquiries, collaborations, and/or speaking engagements, Dr. Pathak can be reached at prof.bishnu.pathak.np@gmail.com.

This article originally appeared on Transcend Media Service (TMS) on 15 Dec 2025.

Anticopyright: Editorials and articles originated on TMS may be freely reprinted, disseminated, translated and used as background material, provided an acknowledgement and link to the source, TMS: Theory of the Gen Z Nonviolent Uprising in Nepal, is included. Thank you.

If you enjoyed this article, please donate to TMS to join the growing list of TMS Supporters.

Share this article: email mastodon facebook 🔗 copy link

This work is licensed under a CC BY-NC 4.0 License.

There are no comments so far.