Lowering USA’s Delusion Throne

ANGLO AMERICA, 10 Jan 2022

Michael Brenner – TRANSCEND Media Service

The Triumph of Pompey. (Gabriel de Saint-Aubin, 1765, Metropolitan Museum of Art)


When Pompey the Great made his triumphant return to Rome in 61 BCE from his stunning conquests in the East, a spectacular ceremony was planned. Pageantry on a grandiose scale was designed both to satisfy his outsized ego and to display superior status in his rivalry with Julius Caesar. The centerpiece was to be a towering throne where a regally costumed Pompey would pass through a Victory arch installed for the occasion. A small problem arose, though, when a rehearsal showed that the throne was 4 feet taller than the height of the arch.

That is a neat metaphor for the uneasy position in which Uncle Sam finds himself these days. We proudly pronounce our enduring greatness from every lectern and altar in the land, pledge to hold our standing as global Number One forever and ever; yet, we constantly bump our head against an unaccommodating reality. Instead of downsizing the monumental juggernaut or applying ourselves to a delicate raising of the arch, we make repeated attempts to fit through in a vain effort to bend the world to our mythology. Evocation of the Concussion Protocol is in order – but nobody wants to admit that sobering truth.

Our engagements in the world over the past 20 years reveal a grim record of failed ventures. Most have been caused by unrealistic goals, blinkered views of the field of action, overweening pride, an ignorance of foreign places and their history, and an unseemly readiness to take complacent comfort in fantasy worlds that exist only in our own imagination. In short, US foreign policy has been misguided – badly and consistently misguided.

The inevitable frustrations and failures owe equally to sheer incompetence. An endless string of errors – diplomatic/military/political – is as difficult for the nation to reconcile with its ‘can-do’ self-image as is the admission of the glaring discrepancy between the belief in the country’s Providential mission and its increasingly evident ordinariness. Vince Lombardi, the legendary football coach, often is quoted as declaring: “Victory is not the most important thing; it’s the only thing.” That has been an implicit North American motto from the beginning. However, in the global arena over the past generation, we have been setting records for failure and futility.

1 – The era began with the success of evicting al-Qaeda from Afghanistanand the toppling of their Taliban hosts. It’s been downhill ever since at an accelerating pace – culminating at the crack-up at the Kabul airport where the obtuseness and criminal irresponsibility of the Pentagon brass (abetted by the CIA’s habitual faulty Intelligence) produced a human and political disaster. The Taliban are back in power thanks to our misbegotten actions in seeking the liquidation of Taliban adherents who had fled their organization and retired to their homes in 2002, and our unbounded reliance on feuding clans of corrupt warlords.

Al-Qaeda evolved from a fanatical jihadist cadre numbering in the double figures to an international conglomerate with franchises in a dozen countries and a free-lance fan club operating in Western capitals. The alleged training camps and indoctrination centers had no more tangible existence than did Saddam’s WMD.

2 – The Afghan fiasco pales compared to the multi-dimensional tragedy created by the Iraq invasion/occupation. The scorecard:

  • Hundreds of thousands dead, wounded, orphaned.
  • The fostering of sectarian blood-letting that institutionalizes the country’s political fragmentation
  • The massive destruction of economic infrastructure.
  • The welding of ties between Shi’te majority government in Iraq with Iran’s clerical regime (our avowed enemy – justified or not)
  • Torture and abuse in dedicated camps that permanently blemished our cultivated image as the champion of human rights
  • The spawning of the Islamic state – conceived, organized and recruiting in US prison camps – McChrystal’s Camp Bucca foremost
  • The resulting mayhem in Iraq and Syria with deleterious effects across the region
  • One effect: the flood of refugees into Europe that fueled the rise of far-Right and neo-Fascist movements across Europe – disrupting political life in friendly counties and undermining the EU
  • In Syria, prioritizing the overthrow of Assad’s regime over the fight against the al-Qaeda affiliates who led the insurrection (a failure that is probably a success for Syria, for us and for the region)

3 – Redoubling our unqualified support for Saudi Arabia under the leadership of the cocaine addicted megalomaniac Mohammed bib-Salman. Thereby, allying ourselves with the Sunni side in the historic contest between them and their Shi’a rivals. That led to the disgraceful policy (continuing to this day) of supporting and participating in the unwarranted assault on Yemen’s Houthis which has devastated the country and destroyed lives in what amount to massive ‘war crimes.’ Yet, an official State Department just last month declared Saudi Arabia “a force for progress” in the Middle East. The resulting shredding of what remains of the USA pretense of being the custodian of human rights globally has made risible such events as Biden’s League of Democracies summit.

4 –     Similar suffering and destruction inflicted on Somalia by North American meddling and military intervention with no discernible US interest at stake.

5 –     Tearing up the JCPOA – and then setting onerous, unacceptable conditions for its resurrection. Steps counter-productive whether the U.S.’s goal is foreclosing any prospect of Iran acquiring a nuclear weapon or regime change (Washington’s preferred solution)

An abysmal record unmatched since the infamous performance of the WW I generals on the Western front – equally honored with medals and laurels.

This long litany of failure and incompetence is overshadowed by the strategic blindness of treating Russia and China as implacable enemies. By doing so, Washington has not only obviated any alternative strategy for developing a stable, long-term relationship. It also has cemented a formidable power bloc that is now well able to contest the United States in whatever sphere we want to cross swords with them. (Recent commentaries expound on the illogicalities and erroneous presumptions of our approach to both great powers. No need to restate them here).

This mosaic of misconceived strategy and rampantly amateurish maneuvers strongly suggests that US’ foreign policy elites are living in a delusional world – dissociated from reality. That raises three basic questions:

  1. what are the causes?
  2. why the uniformity of attitudes towards foreign affairs by the political class? and
  3.  why is there so little dissent from policies that have produced a steady stream of abject setbacks?


North Americans are struggling to draw into focus their exalted image of themselves and reality. They are not doing a very good job of it. The gap is wide and growing. That is due in good measure to what has been happening beyond the country’s shores as well as at home, and over which it lacks the skills and the means to exercise decisive influence. Our response has been one of avoidance and reaffirmation of thought and deed. We seem to fear that if we stare at reality squarely, we will find reality staring back at us in a discomforting way.

Fading prowess is one of the most difficult things for humans to cope with – whether it be an individual or a nation.  By nature, we prize our strength and competence; we dread decline and its intimations of extinction. This is especially so in the United States where for many the individual and the collective personna are inseparable. No other country tries so relentlessly to live its legend as does the U.S. Today, events are occurring that contradict the US narrative of a nation with a unique destiny. That creates cognitive dissonance.

The US exalted sense of self is rooted in the belief that we are pace-setters and world beaters in every domain.  The state of affairs sketched above – marked by impulsive enterprises that underline our foredoomed, audacious ambition to gain global dominance – does not represent cool strategic judgment. It is the national equivalent of ostentatious iron-pumping by bodybuilders worried about losing muscle tone. Those worries never disappear, though, even as one becomes muscle-bound striving ever more energetically to reassure oneself that nothing is creeping up behind you. The mirror is much preferred to the backward glance. More important, they fool themselves into the false belief that other, more relevant adjustments to reality are either unnecessary or intolerable. 

At the psychological level, this approach is understandable since it plays to the United States’ strength: overweening self-confidence coupled to material strength – thereby perpetuating the national myths of being destined to remain the world’s No. 1 forever, and of being in a position to shape the world system according to North American principles and interests. President Obama declaimed: “Let me tell you something.  The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth.  Period.  It’s not even close. Period.  It’s not even close.  It’s not even close!”  So?  Is this meant as a revelation? What is the message? To whom?  Is it any different than someone shouting: “ALLAH AKBAR!” Words that are neither a prelude to action nor inspire others to act – nor even impart information – are just puffs of wind.  As such, they are yet another avoidance device – a flight from reality.

The tension associated with a nation so constituted encountering objective reality does not force heightened self-awareness or a change in behavior if the dominant feature of that reality is the attitudes and expressed opinions of others who share the underlying delusions. Today, there is no foreign policy debate whatsoever. In addition, our vassal governments in Europe and elsewhere either have a national interest in preserving the warped US view of the world (Israel, Poland) or have been so denatured over the decades that they are incapable 0f doing other than to follow Washington obediently – despite already having tumbled over a number of cliffs and staring at a potentially fatal abyss re. China and Russia.  Reality testing, in these circumstances, leads to conformity in viewing the world through the shared delusional prism – rather than it being a potential corrective.


North Americanism provides a Unified Field Theory of self-identity, collective enterprise, and the Republic’s enduring meaning. When one element is felt to be jeopardy, the integrity of the whole edifice becomes vulnerable.  In the past, US mythology energized the country in ways that helped it to thrive.  Today, it is a dangerous hallucinogen that traps North Americans in a time warp more and more distant from reality.

There is a muted reflection of this strained condition in the evident truth that North Americans have become an insecure people. They grow increasingly anxious about who they are, what they are worth and what life will be like down the road. This is an individual and collective phenomenon. They are related insofar as much of our self-identity and self-esteem is bound up with the civic religion of Americanism. To a considerable degree, it’s been like this since the very beginning. A country that was “born against history” had no past to define and shape the present.  A country that was born against tradition had no rooted and common sense of meaning and value that cut deeply into the national psyche. A country that was born against inherited place and position left each individual at once free to acquire status and obliged to do so for insignia of rank were few. 

That changed over the course of the 20th century. Within just a few decades, the US became a great world power, a superpower, a champion of democracy and freedom and the defender of the West against Soviet led communism. It was the “heroic’ century which culminated in the triumph of victory in the Cold War. After the collapse of Communism, the United States ruled the roost. In its own eyes, this unique hyper-power had seen history confirm its anointed role as both model and agent for the construction of a better world. US “exceptionalism” now meant emulation of America – pure and simple.

That confirmation should have strengthened the belief in the pageant of progress.  It should have given a boost to self-esteem. It should have compensated for the creeping insecurities associated with socio-economic-cultural changes within the United States. That has not proven to be the case. Strenuous displays of patriotism have a contrived cast to them. They suggest strained efforts to overcome doubt more than they do genuine pride and conviction. National self-confidence is not demonstrated by gigantic flags seen everywhere from used car lots to hot sheet motels, the ubiquitous lapel pin, the loud and gaudy demonstrations of chauvinism at sporting matches, the bombast of shock jockeys, or the belittling and condescending treatment of other peoples. Rather, those are sure signs of weakness, doubt and insecurity. The compulsive militarization of foreign relations fits the pattern; the same psychology is at work. A society that sees reality through the screen of violent video games is juvenile and immature.

We are close to a condition that approximates what the psychologists call “dissociation.”  It is marked by an inability to see and to accept actualities as they are for deep seated emotional reasons. Those you are dissociating are not aware that they are sublimating on a systematic basis. “Dissociation is commonly displayed on a continuum. In mild cases, dissociation can be regarded as a coping mechanism or defense mechanism in seeking to master, minimize or tolerate stress – including conflict. Conflicts of purpose, conflict of aims, conflict of ideas, conflict between idealized reality and actual truth. Dissociative disorders are sometimes triggered by trauma (9/11?).

This psychological appraisal of the North American body politic does not explain adequately, however, either the exaggerated response to a single (if singular) event or the intensity and acuteness of the delusional thinking in the absence of evidence from the real world that the fearful images are justifiable.  The objective truth of the real world is overwhelmed by the subjective virtual truths that shape their perception of reality.

What do these developments foretell for the United States’ relations with the rest of the world?  The most obvious and important implication is that North Americans will be ever more dependent on maintaining that sense of exceptionalism and superiority that is the foundation of their national personality. A fragile psyche weak in self-esteem and prowess is sensitive to signs of its decline or ordinariness. Hence, the obsession with curbing China. Hence, the country will continue to exert itself energetically on the global stage rather than become progressively more selective in its engagements and choice of methods for fulfilling them.

Continuity is a lot easier than reorientation. It doesn’t demand  fresh thinking and different skills. Quite frankly, today, the caliber of high and mid-level personnel would have to be upgraded.  Less amateurism and careerism, more experience and sophisticated knowledge. Equally, a President would have to seek out people with a different mindset. That is to say, a more nuanced view of the world, more acute awareness of other countries’ political culture and leadership, and a talent for dealing with other states on a basis other than the assumption of US superiority and prerogative.  Attempts to dictate the internal affairs of foreign countries would become the rare exception rather than the norm.   Moreover, it is necessary to loosen the hold on the nation’s mind of dogmatic ideas as deeply rooted in the US experience as they are out of synch with today’s world.

All of this is a tall order. It appears to be beyond us.


Michael Brenner is professor of international affairs at the University of Pittsburgh; a senior fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations, SAIS-Johns Hopkins (Washington, D.C.), contributor to research and consulting projects on Euro-American security and economic issues. Publishes and teaches in the fields of US foreign policy, Euro-American relations, and the European Union. mbren@pitt.eduMore

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This article originally appeared on Transcend Media Service (TMS) on 10 Jan 2022.

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