Gen Z Nonviolent Movement to Revolution against Corruption in Nepal

TRANSCEND MEMBERS, 22 Sep 2025

Bishnu Pathak – TRANSCEND Media Service

Nepal Kept Burning, We Sustained Crying

Abstract

21 Sep 2025 – This essay is based on personal experience and participant observation. The study aims to describe and analyze how the movement on 8 Sep 2025 transformed into a revolution the following day. The hearts of Nepal’s youth were broken when they saw the son(s)-daughter(s) of leaders living abroad enjoying the wealth earned by their fathers through embezzling Nepal’s taxes. They were angry despite their parents’ participation in the people’s movements in 1990 and the republic movement in 2006. Gen Z was frustrated because the system had evolved, but their living conditions had not changed or improved. Leaders, brokers, goons, mafias, judges, and bureaucrats are exploiting the country day and night.

The youths were looking for the right time. After the government banned social media, Gen Z started a movement against corruption on September 8, believing that this was the opportune moment. On the first day, in addition to Gen Z, a few individuals from Generations X and Y also joined to support the movement against corruption. However, when the government shot and killed schoolchildren in uniform and injured hundreds of Gen Z, the involvement of Gen Z, as well as Gen X and Y, increased significantly from the morning of September 9th and turned the movement into a revolution. Government security forces were stationed at main intersections and cross streets, but by 10 a.m., angry mobs had already started vandalizing and setting fire to the ministers’ private residences. The army chief demanded the prime minister’s resignation, citing the impossibility of providing security to leaders by shooting at the people’s children.

The army delivered the PM’s resignation to the President’s Office, which was accepted instantly. The PM, ministers, and other senior officials were rescued by an army helicopter and flown to Shivpuri. Subsequently, security forces retreated from the streets to protect themselves from the angry protesters. Parents of Gen Z, including those in Kathmandu, locked their homes and joined the protests, with over two million people taking to the streets in Kathmandu alone. The entire country, including Kathmandu, was in turmoil and burning, with the protests escalating into the country’s first revolution. More than 75 Gen Z individuals have been extrajudicially killed and around 2,500 injured. Most government offices remain closed, and individuals close to Oli and those with criminal backgrounds are openly threatening Gen Z with retaliation.

The parliament has been dissolved, and foreign powers are in a wait-and-see position. Due to the deep penetration of Oli and Congress into the bureaucracies, courts, constitutional bodies, etc., the government led by Sushila Karki is facing difficulties. All people, including Gen Z, want speedy work completing the formation of the Cabinet and formulating a high-level judicial inquiry committee. Conscious people have a fear about the government’s slow progress in meeting their demands, potentially leading to a new type of conflict. It is crucial to address Gen Z’s frustrations peacefully by adapting indirect and direct diplomacy and engaging in unofficial and official dialogue to prevent further escalating violence and conflict. Conflict transformation by peaceful means is today’s urgency for Nepal to prevent further burning and crying.        

Selfology

Selfology is a concept that involves self-study and self-realization. It focuses on understanding one’s own feelings, thoughts, and behaviors to identify and promote personal well-being and growth. Selfology explores the connection between one’s mental state and events or tools that lead to self-awareness from psychological and philosophical perspectives (www.quora.com/What-do-you-think-of-SELFOLOGY-What-does-it-mean-to-you). It also emphasizes building relationships for personal development and progress (www.progressiveeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/States-of-Mind-Selfology-Curriculum.pdf). By adopting a holistic approach, selfology can help individuals cope with life challenges.

On February 19, 1990, at 11:00 AM, Radha Krishna Mainali, the Acting President of the United Left Front, scattered thousands of pamphlets and leaflets into the sky on an empty road about 200 meters west-north of Dharahara, Kathmandu. He then directed me to walk west-north from the American Cultural Center of New Road at the protest site to the Basantapur-Supermarket. Leading the way with a three-meter-long flag symbolizing the downfall of the Panchayat regime, I ran and reached ahead of the crowd.

When the protestors reached Bhotahiti, they were stopped by hundreds of police officers who declared it a restricted area. One superintendent of police even pointed his pistol at my stomach. I confronted him, warning that while he could kill me, the protesters behind him wouldn’t spare him either. I reminded him that his son, who was our age, was also part of the rally. He eventually lowered his pistol, and around 4,000 protestors pushed through the barricade, chanting slogans against Panchayati anarchism as they moved forward.

A large number of policemen arrived and stopped the crowd in the middle. Our group changed direction towards the stadium, coming from Tripureshwar via Putalisadak, Singha Durbar,  Thapathali, and Bagbazar. I briefly addressed the crowd, announcing the urgency of restoring of multi-party democracy for the first time in front of Hotel Blue Star. Another speaker, Shankar Pokhrel, the current general secretary of the CPN-UML, began to speak but was interrupted by a large group of policemen advancing towards us from Tripureshwor and Thapathali. This forced us to disperse, although many protestors including myself were beaten by a baton charge. Some people were injured.

I also started following the CPN-Maoist since the People’s War began on February 13, 1996. The reason for following them in this way was that I had just registered for my PhD course on people’s war and human rights. After completing my PhD, I worked on it for two and a half years and published my first comprehensive book, “Politics of People’s War and Human Rights” in 2005. Similarly, I actively participated in the Democratic Republican April-May Movement 2006, also known as the 19-Day People’s Republican Movement, which was run by the Maoists and seven political parties.

The Gen Z non-violent movement was a rapid revolution against corruption that took place over 48 hours on September 8th and 9th, starting at 9:00 AM. It targeted the autocratic system of political parties, leaders’ anarchical practices, commission system, and controlling mechanism of brokers. This movement had a significant impact on Nepal’s longstanding political parties, the Nepali Congress and the Nepal Communist Party, prompting them to reassess their strategies and start anew. They now face the challenge of rebuilding their political foundations from scratch.

In 1990, we belonged to the Gen Z cohort, although it was before the digital age. Our generation was characterized by innovative thinking, political thought, and freedom of all walks of human lives. However, as time has passed, we have transitioned into Generation X. This means that the current Gen Z individuals are either our children or the offspring of Generations X and Y. The contemporary Gen Z generation is often associated with digital technology, the internet, and social media, distinguishing them strongly from previous generations and demanding a corruption-free society and nation. Generation X is considered the first generation, with their descendants being the third-generation of Gen Z.

Just four days ago, Gen Z announced plans to launch a protest against corruption and the ban on social media. On September 8th, they initiated a nationwide protest at 8.30 am. Unfortunately, on the first day of the protest, security forces in Nepal opened fire indiscriminately in Kathmandu, resulting in the tragic death of 19 youths from bullet wounds. Many others were critically injured, and hundreds were wounded. Gen Z alleges that the government sent spies to disrupt their non-violent movement, citing Prime Minister K. P. Oli’s past actions as evidence. Nepal is reeling from the tragic death of young people and children. On September 9th, the Gen Z movement turned to revolution as almost all people took to the streets to support their offspring in retaliation against the Oli-led government’s chaos and bloodshed. The retaliated revolution engulfed all large public and private offices and houses, including Singha Durbar, the president’s office and residence, the Prime Minister’s residence, and police offices and posts.

Despite the government imposing a curfew in Kathmandu at 13:00 hrs. midday, the Nepal Army were mobilized, and the Gen Z generation continues to protest, even entering the premises of the Parliament building. The protest was being broadcast live on Nepali and Indian television channels. Protests are also taking place across Nepal, with many Gen Z members being injured by bullets. Curfews had also been imposed on the main cities of Nepal, with the Nepal Army being mobilized.

The protesters were carrying the national flag and chanting slogans against Prime Minister K. P. Oli to leave the nation, accusing him as of a master of corruption. They question how Oli, with limited up to 8th grade education and humble beginnings, amassed significant wealth, even in land and abroad.

The study aims to analyze the initiation of the Gen Z non-violent movement and its impact on youths, people, and the nation. It also seeks to understand how the movement evolved into a revolution after Nepal police opened fire at demonstrators.

The general objective of the study is to comprehensively analyze the Gen Z protest against corrupt leaders, including PM Oli of Nepal. Specific objectives include investigating extrajudicial killings of non-violent Gen Z protesters and casualties that occurred on September 8, 2025. The study also examines the retaliation by Generations X and Y, as well as the involvement of criminal-minded activists from various parties who instigated the situation. These individuals subsequently lost their criminal records, which were filed at courts, the Commission of Investigation of Abused Authority (CIAA), and other official buildings through destructive burnings of offices during the revolution on September 9th.

This study primarily focuses on participant observation. Information was gathered through networking and tracking methods, including social media, online media, television broadcasts both domestically and internationally, telephone conversations, and other sources.

Disappointology

Disappointology is an emotion that arises from unmet expectations, escalating the emotional and psychological aspects of human frustration. It is a term that combines “disappointment” with the suffix “-ology,” indicating the scientific study of a subject. In this case, the main focus is on understanding who Gen Z is. This section on disappointology delves into the reasons behind Gen Z’s anger and frustration towards government and party leaders that spill out onto the streets (Dijk & Zeelenberg, 2002). It explains why they are willing to sacrifice their lives to make Nepal a corruption-free country, tackling the rampant corruption in Nepal. This state of mind encompasses feelings of anger, impatience, and annoyance when expectations are not met, plans fail, or injustices occur. It is essential to address and manage these emotions to prevent negative outcomes. Developing healthy coping mechanisms and communication skills can help individuals navigate and overcome frustration effectively.

The term “Generation” was first used by rapper MC Lars in 2003 in a song titled “Talking ‘Bout iGeneration” (rozbellamy.com/events/ & Fenton, June 2020). Psychology professor Jean Twenge also used the term for her book in 2006 but changed it to “Generation Me” at the insistence of her publisher (Twenge, 2013). She later used the term “iGen” for her 2017 book. The Pew Research Center found that “Generation Z” was the most popular term for this cohort in the U.S. and now refers to them as Gen Z in their research (guides.loc.gov/consumer-research/market-segments/generations). Both Merriam-Webster and Oxford dictionaries have official entries for Generation Z.

Gen Z is the group of young people born between 1997 and 2012. In various countries around the world, individuals under the age of 28, known as Generation Z, are using social media to raise their voices against corruption, economic inequality, undemocratic governance, and inflation.

The ’50 in 50’ protests originated as a youth-led movement in the United States, with millions of young people participating in nationwide demonstrations in February, March, and April to voice their opposition to Donald Trump’s policies, show support for Ukraine, and defend constitutional protections. This movement became one of the largest one-day protests in American history (https://acoup.blog/2025/02/14/fireside-friday-february-14-2025-on-grant-funding/).

In July 2025, right-wing youth in the United States began protesting against immigration policies, leading to street blockades, hotel blockades, and online campaigns that turned violent (Associated Press, July 18, 2025). The protests resulted in a significant police crackdown and exposed deep societal division. The Gen Z movement gained momentum in 2020 with protests against racial oppression in the United States. Subsequent protests in Kenya in June 2024 demanded the reversal of tax increases and accountability for corruption, culminating in the ‘Occupy Parliament’ movement, where protesters set fire to the parliament building, resulting in numerous deaths in a police crackdown that ignited a worldwide youth movement. While the tax increases were repealed, the protests continued (Mbugua, July 2025). 

In Mongolia, protests against corruption and excessive spending from March to June 2025 led to the resignation of Prime Minister Luvsannamsren Oyun and a change of government following a motion of no confidence. In Indonesia, a leaderless movement began on August 25, 2025, protesting against the extravagant allowances and benefits received by lawmakers and calling for justice against economic inequality. The protests escalated to violence and spread to 32 provinces, prompting the government to revoke parliamentary privileges (https://newsofnepal.com/2025/09/08/730042/).

A digital campaign has been launched in France to address economic inequality and the rising cost of living. The goal is to hold a large nationwide protest on September 10, 2025, with the participation of 100,000 youths. This movement, supported by trade unions, has garnered the attention of the government. In July 2025, young people protested against government efforts to undermine the anti-corruption agenda. The movement, coordinated through social media, forced the government to rethink its policies, and increase transparency against corruption (https://newsofnepal.com/2025/09/08/730042/).

Gen Z has become a hot topic in Nepal as their movement gaining widespread attention. Initially, only a few people knew about Gen Z, but after their protests began, both Nepalis and people worldwide recognized them as non-violent protestors advocating for a corruption-free society. The movement called for the lifting of social media restrictions, with Prime Minister Oli condemning anarchy and disobedience while disregarding the voices of the people affected by corruption, bad governance, and unemployment. This sparked a wave of protests by the distressed generation, using social media as a platform for self-expression. Young people utilized social media to criticize, express emotions, share dreams and happiness, cry, laugh, sing, sorrow, and connect with others, making it a vital tool for the movement.

The great majority of the Gen Z were disciplined and polite. The first reason for this was that some of them were secondary school students, some were studying in 11th or 12th grade, and some had even completed their university studies. Therefore, there was bound to be diversity in their thinking. The government did not want to address their grievances, let alone listen to them. It is very difficult to show the way when the path is lost. Social media was a tool to express their frustration, the government’s decision was like the sky falling on them.

The extreme repression of the movement increased anger and hatred. It was not uncommon for more than two dozen people to die and hundreds to be injured in a single day. This laid the foundation for destruction. We now have a heartbreaking picture of destruction before us. There are tears and sighs from the families of the killed from bullet wounds and injured. The serious weaknesses of the security forces and the infiltrators with hidden motives in the movement turned the peaceful movement of the Gen Z into a path of destruction. An unimaginable tragedy unfolded before us.

The Gen-Z generation, who grew up immersed in digital technology, is more emotionally attuned than commonly believed. They possess a wide range of emotions, thoughts, and feelings, with a strong sense of patriotism, societal responsibility, and appreciation for life. They hold deep convictions for freedom, equality, and justice and are well-versed in concepts of democracy and human rights. They are quick to identify and criticize discrimination. Gen Z is deeply invested in shaping their own future and that of their nation, leveraging the power of digital technology and global connectivity to amplify their voices.

Social media serves as a platform for creativity rather than a mere outlet for chaos, hatred, and anger for this generation. However, they are not without their vulnerabilities, as they may struggle with cheap sentimentality, chaos, and other psychological issues, often stemming from familial dynamics and the current economic, social, and cultural landscape. Their worldview is also influenced by populism and consumerism, which can impact their decision-making.

While a significant portion of Gen Z may lean towards conservative ideologies in the upcoming 2024 US election, the overall trend indicates a liberal, critical, sensitive, and committed generation that values humanity, democracy, and ethical principles. They are not afraid to take a stand, even resorting to boycotts or extreme measures if their demands are not met (Giri, September 13, 2025).

Stubbornology

Stubbornology is the study of extreme stubbornness, where individuals strongly believe in their own knowledge and refuse to consider alternative viewpoints. This term combines “stubborn” with the “-ology” suffix, typically used for fields of study. A person practicing stubbornology may use humor, sarcasm, and sharp words to defend their beliefs and limited understanding, even if they lack expertise on a specific topic. This subheading attempts to briefly describe who outgoing Prime Minister Oli is.

In 2020, during a doctors’ program, PM Oli stated that the coronavirus is primarily transmitted through the eyes, followed by the mouth, and then the nose. The doctors present did not correct him and accepted his statement without objection. Oli himself has admitted that his stubbornness led to the Gen Z movement turning into a revolution, resulting in a large number of extrajudicial killings and the destruction of public wealth and infrastructure.

K. P. Oli, born on February 23, 1952, in a poor family in Chhatedhunga, Terhathum district, is the current chairman of the CPN (UML). He was ousted as prime minister by the Gen Z revolution. Oli has also served as Home Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, and Foreign Minister of Nepal and has been Prime Minister three times. During his tenure, Oli faced controversy for his blunt language, harsh remarks, hostility towards critics, and the media, silence on corruption, and failure to achieve economic growth, among other issues.

Oli spent 14 years in prison for the murder of a wealthy man in the Jhapa incident of 1972, believing him to be an enemy of the people. He had no role in the formation of the CPN-UML due to his time in prison. When did Oli start leading the party?

Madan Bhandari, the secretary general of the UML and a proponent of people’s multi-party democracy, opposed the Integrated Mahakali Treaty and was mysteriously killed in a Jeep incident on May 17, 1993, along with Jeevraj Ashrit (Pathak, 2005). Amar Lama, the sole surviving witness to Bhandari’s murder, was also killed on the orders of CPN (Maoist) Secretary General Badal. It has been revealed that Oli and former President Bidhya Devi Bhandari met with Badal before the murder and sought his help in the killing.

An inquiry commission led by Oli revealed that Bhandari and Ashrit were murdered in a conspiratorial manner. Many UML workers opposed the action and were killed. Oli’s hold on the party strengthened after this incident. However, after Oli became Prime Minister and Pandey became President, the UML began celebrating Bhandari’s birthday in addition to remembering the day of his assassination and, instead, investigating Bhandari’s killing. Oli and Pandey remained silent during their entire tenure, fearing it would turn against Oli. The belief that Bhandari and Ashrit were murdered with the grand design of foreign powers, assisted by Oli, is widespread among Nepalis.

The Mahakali Treaty was signed on February 12, 1996, by then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba of Nepal and his Indian counterpart PV Narsimha Rao (Human Rights Year Book 1996:1997). The United People’s Front presented a 40-point demand to Prime Minister Deuba, who was focused on signing the treaty with India and did not address their concerns. The cancellation of the treaty was a key demand of the Maoists, who declared the People’s War the day after the treaty was signed.

The UML formed a task force led by KP Sharma Oli in April 1996 to study the treaty. The report, which was made public in September 1996, outlined both the positive and negative impacts of the treaty (Human Rights Year Book 1996:1997). During this time, there were reports in newspapers that the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu had allocated a significant amount of NRs.300 million (US $ 4 million) to bribe senior leaders and members of parliament to gain their support.

As I prepared for my PhD studies, I observed the divisions within the party. Madhav Kumar Nepal, the then Secretary General of the UML, controlled the party and its workers, while K. P.   Oli focused on the parliamentarians. Additionally, Jhala Nath Khanal and Bharat Mohan Adhikari had connections with the Indian Embassy. Under pressure from various sources, the UML party chairman at the time, Manmohan Adhikari, who had opposed the Mahakali Treaty, fell ill at the last minute. In his place, an alternative central committee member, Deb Raj Ghimire (the current Speaker of the Federal Parliament), voted in favor of the treaty. The resolution passed by a narrow majority in the central committee meeting of the UML. As a result, the dissidents of Mahakali treaty of UML parliamentarians split into ML faction too.

The author was a direct witness to the events following Bhandari’s assassination. Oli’s financial situation significantly improved after the incident. Additionally, his power within the party grew stronger than that of the then general secretary, Madhav Kumar Nepal, especially after the ratification of the Mahakali Treaty by the Parliament. As Home Minister, Oli allegedly destroyed all evidence and testimonies related to Bhandari’s murder.

Many land properties previously nationalized by the royal family are now linked to Yeti. Oli is the unseen proprietor of Yeti. The Nepali Army reportedly holds secret evidence of Oli’s illicit connections with RAW, Mafia groups, his visits to Yeti’s office, and more.

On September 7, Prime Minister Oli made a controversial statement asking, “Who is Gen Z?” This remark stirred up controversy and drew comparisons to the authoritarian tactics of Mussolini. Mussolini, who served as Prime Minister of Italy for a record 21 years, was known for denouncing his opponents as fascists. Similarly, Oli displayed extreme opposition to dissenting voices and rivals, reminiscent of Mussolini’s tactics.

His courtiers played a significant role in his rise to dictatorship. They were unable to offer suggestions to Oli directly and were kept away from him by competent advisors who controlled access to him. The courtiers were not there to advise Oli but to listen to him and carry out his instructions. Their main responsibility was to handle the money obtained through corruption, commissions, and profits, both within the country and internationally. Oli would only involve his courtiers in negotiations and collaborations if there was a financial gain to be made.

Oli did not have a stake in any political party, but he exerted control over the CPN-UML as if it were his personal domain. In Nepal, there is a history of opposition figures who could not tolerate him and either left party or formed splinter groups. Even the General Secretary of the Nepali Congress, Gagan Thapa, a coalition partner in Oli’s government, publicly criticized him by suggesting that brokers had undue (up to bed) influence over the PM Oli. Oli’s intolerance towards educated individuals may stem from his limited education, having only completed up to grade 8th in someone else’s home. This lack of formal education may have contributed to his tendency to disparage academics in his speeches.

Oli has managed to maintain his position in Nepali politics thanks to his skill in orchestrating conspiracies. He has effectively sidelined competitors like Radha Krishna Mainali and Ashok Rai, among others, through his manipulation. Former Vice President Bhim Rao is no longer a member of the party, and Madhav Nepal, Jhalanath Khanal, and others have formed a new party. Even Bamdev Gautam, who was once Oli’s right-hand man, has distanced himself from him. Oli’s right to power came after the assassinations of Madan Bhandari and Jivaraj Ashrit, allowing him to rule as a despot. Bidhyadevi Bhandari, who was elected president, has emerged as a rival to Oli within the UML party now. It is remarkable that Madan’s murder is a significant factor in this rivalry.

Since 2019, when Oli assumed the role of Prime Minister and Bidhyadevi Bhandari became President, I have consistently asserted in live TV interviews that Oli was implicated in the murders of Madan Bhandari and Ashrit. I have also expressed my willingness to work without compensation if the government authorizes me to lead the investigation into these conspiratorial killings.

Oli has strategically placed his own loyalists in key positions, such as the Supreme Court and 12 constitutional bodies like the CIAA, Election Commission, and National Human Rights Commission. For example, senior judge Sapana Malla Pradhan, a former UML Member of Parliament, is expected to become the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Another example is Hari Phuyal, a judge of the Supreme Court who previously served as the Attorney General under Oli’s government, likely to be the next Chief Justice.

With the exception of the current Chief Justice Prakashman Singh Raut and a few other judges, the majority of the court is filled with Oli’s party loyalists. These judges have not shown independence, impartiality, or a commitment to delivering justice to the victims. Apart from a few outliers, most of the court is comprised of Oli’s party supporters, raising concerns about their independence and impartiality. There are allegations of corruption, with rumors suggesting that Oli received a commission of up to two billion rupees for appointing Maha Prasad Adhikari as the Governor of Nepal. This alleged corruption has had negative consequences, such as a recession caused by increased interest rates in private banks to generate the necessary funds.

Donor-based human rights activists and civil society leaders who support Oli have written to the President urging protection from prosecution. On September 18, 2025, a group 14 individuals, including Sushil Pyakurel, Mallake Sundar, Dr. Kundan Aryal, Tikaram Bhattarai, and Kanakamani Dixit, met with the President and submitted a written request to the civilian government to refrain from taking action against Oli.

Kantipur reported on September 18, 2025, that Oli stated in a Cabinet meeting on the evening of September 8 that some Gen Z individuals may die, further insulting their Gen Z movement. This behavior could be attributed to Oli not having children, harboring animosity towards other people’s children, or simply lacking love and compassion.

The country faced a destructive, yet revolutionary tragedy due to Oli’s authoritarian Mussolini-style approach, insisting that power should be held by either himself or Deuba. Oli must accept full responsibility for these grave human rights violations.

Revolutionology

Revolutionology is the study of major, sudden, and fundamental changes in societal structures, often involving socio-political upheavals, turmoil, and violence. It is a field dedicated to systematically analyzing revolutions, including their reasons, processes, and consequences (Sorokin, 1925). The term “revolutionology” is a blend of “revolution” and “ology,” where “ology” denotes the study of science. Revolutionology combines social and political studies to provide theoretical and scientific approaches to understanding the causes, dynamics, and outcomes of revolutions (Simirenko, 1973). It focuses on events like the Gen Z non-violent movement to revolt against corruption, which aims to bring about transformative change by challenging senior leaders and judges.

Despite the social media ban, the news of Gen Z planning to protest against corruption on September 8th had sparked interest across all age groups. People were eager to see what would unfold on that day. Many wondered if the government-imposed curfew would be lifted. Even those living abroad, who were Gen Z citizens, were discussing the upcoming protest with their parents. Meanwhile, younger siblings were making plans to attend the event with their friends.

On the morning of September 8th, Gen Z students in school uniforms started
gathering at Maitighar Mandela in Kathmandu as early as 8:30 am. The crowd of Gen Z participants grew steadily, attracting the attention of the media. Some parents and guardians of Gen Z members also joined the gathering. The Nepal Police and Armed Police Force were deployed along the route, setting up barricades to prevent the procession from reaching the New Baneshwor Federal Parliament Building. The police had been on duty since 7 am that day.

Before 10 a.m., a crowd unexpectedly gathered at Mandela, focusing on contemporary corruption. Slogans and placards highlighted issues such as misuse of tax money and government corruption. Many Gen Z individuals wore the Nepali flag and peacefully chanted slogans as they moved towards a designated Parliament building area. There had been a tussle between a crow and the police. Some were visibly angry, especially after the police used force to disperse the crowd, leading to injuries as they broke the barricades.

Despite this, a few managed to climb onto a vehicle in New Baneshwor around noon. One of Oli’s extraordinary talents was successfully taking control of situations by inciting them, as seen in the movement led by Durga Prasai on March 28, 2025. There are suspicions that government officials may have incited the situation, as Gen Z alleges the presence of spies sent to disrupt their movement, citing Prime Minister K. P. Oli’s past actions. The tragic deaths of young people and children have left Nepal in mourning.

At 12:30 p.m., a group of approximately 150 Gen Z individuals ignored the risk of police intervention and breached the compound wall to enter the Parliament building compound. By 1:00 p.m., a student collapsed at New Baneshwor Chowk by police bullets. The emotional scene led to tears as his friend cried out in anguish. Sadly, the student passed away en route to the nearby Civil Hospital. Subsequently, the sound of gunfire filled the air as Gen Z protesters began pelting stones at the police in response to what they perceived as excessive force.

Before 2 p.m., the Chief District Office in Kathmandu imposed a curfew in the New Baneshwor area, near the Prime Minister’s Office and the President’s residence. Around 2:30 p.m., the army arrived in New Baneshwor with armored vehicles, but they did not take action against the Gen Z protesters during the curfew. Some army soldiers were moved to tears by the suffering and distress of the injured individuals, regardless of their generational affiliation. The chaotic situation made it hard to determine the number of casualties, injuries, or the locations where those needing medical attention were being taken. Initial reports suggested that rubber bullets were used by the police, but medical professionals later confirmed that metal bullets had been fired, causing severe injuries to vital areas of the body. The shocking events left all observers in a state of disbelief and shock.

A significant number of those killed and injured were students who had come from outside Kathmandu and were studying in hostels or rented rooms. Just before 7 p.m., news broke that 19 people had been shot dead. The protest, initially confined to New Baneshwor, quickly spread to other parts of Kathmandu. The demonstration was broadcast live on almost all national TV channels in Nepal and India. Despite curfews and endangering their lives, protesters took to the streets not only in Kathmandu but also across the country. Following the shooting of young students, their parents and grandparents of Gen Z remained furious with the government. Even during the curfew, reports continued to surface of clashes between Gen Z and the police until 10 p.m.

On the morning of September 9, both Gen Z and some of their parents disregarded the curfew and gathered in the streets. Reports emerged that the house of the government spokesman/communication minister, known for his harsh statements, had been set on fire by angry mobs. Subsequently, vandalism and arson of private properties, including those belonging to Bhatbhateni close to Oli, occurred nationwide. Security forces were in a state of panic as millions of people flooded the streets in Kathmandu to support Gen Z. When Prime Minister Oli’s resignation was announced at 1 p.m., the morale of security forces plummeted. The Nepal Army defied Oli’s order to maintain law and order, protecting leaders and their properties at the cost of killing people’s sons and daughters. The grave insecurity situation ultimately forced Oli to resign.

After Oli’s resignation, the police prioritized their safety and withdrew from crowd control. The morale among both the police force and the army remained low, with many police personnel choosing to flee to safety in civilian clothes to avoid potential harm. The first day of the protest quickly escalated and spread across the country, with buildings belonging to party leaders, new barons, businessmen, and brokers being set on fire. Oli’s promotion of crony capitalism in Nepal had led to widespread unrest. Despite the curfew imposed by the CDO office, the situation continued to spiral out of control as protesters took over the country.

The violent protests led to vandalism, arson, and looting of 455 barracks and offices across the nation, including the Kathmandu Valley Police Office. According to SSP Ramesh Thapa of the Police Headquarters, 1,100 weapons were stolen during the chaos. A total of 197 police officers were completely destroyed, while 258 others suffered partial damage. Tragically, three police officers lost their lives in the line of duty, and 1,963 officers were injured. The majority of the injured officers have been treated and discharged, but 24 are still receiving medical care (Kantipur, September 17, 2025).

The Singha Durbar, a symbol of national pride in Nepal, proved to be difficult to burn. Despite attempts to set it on fire with petrol-soaked cloth, the fire struggled to ignite. Eventually, after multiple tries, a large pile of cloth was successful in starting a fire on the second floor. It’s worth noting that there were no vehicles on the road, indicating premeditated plans to set the Singha Durbar ablaze. The lack of intervention to stop the burning suggests that agitators had infiltrated the area with intentions to align with a political party. Despite the presence of thousands of protesters, a small group managed to burn down the Singha Durbar, a historic building constructed by Chandra Shamsher in 1908.

Throughout history, the Supreme Court has faced criticism for favoring perpetrators over victims. Many cases, particularly those involving the poor and victims of people’s war, have remained unresolved for years. The writer highlights a lack of verdicts against the UML and Nepali Congress, who are currently in power. Thousands of corruption and people’s war victim cases are pending in the Supreme Court, with around six cases against Oli. Nepal’s courts have been accused of making victims more vulnerable and providing immunity to perpetrators, leading to a perception of judges being more corrupt than political party leaders due to a lack of oversight on judges’ assets. Judges are also alleged to share a portion of their illicit earnings with the leaders who appointed them to their positions. Since corruption among judges is not investigated by authorities, some leaders have hidden their illicit funds with them.

The CIAA has resolved cases involving minor corrupt officials, but cases involving leaders are still under review. Concerns have been raised about political interference and questionable appointments after a person with a pending case was appointed as the head of the CIAA, followed by the burning of the CIAA building. These actions have eroded public trust in the system. The prevalence of corruption in the judiciary and other institutions underscores the urgent need for transparency and accountability in Nepal’s governance system.

If PM Oli had resigned on the first day of the Gen Z movement, the violence, vandalism, looting, and arson that occurred on September 9th could have been avoided. Protesters attacked police posts, seized guns, and set key government buildings on fire, including the Prime Minister’s office at Singha Durbar, the Federal Parliament Building, the Supreme Court, and the President’s Office, all of which have been turned to ashes. Currently, in Nepal, the executive branch is low-functioning, the courts are non-operational, and the parliament has been dismissed, with fresh elections scheduled for March 5, 2026.

The octogenarian Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been elected as prime minister five times, and his wife, Dr. Aruju Deuba, the outgoing foreign minister, were severely injured by vandalism and beating. Their house was burned down, resulting in the loss of hundreds of thousands of Nepalese rupees. They are currently receiving treatment at Shivapuri Hospital. The president fled to his residence, which was also set on fire.

The situation in Nepal is dire, with chaos and violence erupting, targeting the homes of prominent political figures. The former president’s and vice president’s residences were also set ablaze. Houses belonging to members of the Nepali Congress, UML, and Maoist parties were targeted. The violence spread to municipalities across the country, disrupting transportation, closing shops and banks, and shutting down government offices.

In this revolution, 75 people have been killed and 2,500 injured, with another 200 undergoing treatment in 32 hospitals. This marks the first time in history that so many people have been killed in such a short period. During the 104-year Rana regime, a dozen people were killed, while one and a half dozen died in the first people’s movement in 1990 and two dozen in the republican movement.

Conclusion

The younger generation, who are typically reliant on their parents for education and guidance, have shown little interest in Nepalese politics. However, they have embraced the fight against corruption as a central message to position themselves as political reformers and activists. Despite widespread corruption in the country, the older generation has failed to address the issue on a national scale. The youth have criticized their elders’ complacency as a significant concern, both nationally and internationally. This shift indicates that Generation Z is now leading the fight against corruption, rather than political party leaders from generations X and Y.

Many young Nepalese are seeking opportunities in Gulf countries to work and send remittances back home. However, Nepalese leaders appear more focused on sending youth abroad rather than addressing their domestic issues. There is a concern that if the youth remain in Nepal, they may challenge the leaders’ anarchical and chaotic behaviors. Unfortunately, these young individuals are unable to vote in elections from abroad.

Although the goal of the Gen Z Movement was to create a corruption-free society, we watched in despair as Nepal’s centuries of heritage and historical identity continued to go up in flames due to the infiltration of criminal political party activists. Not only were we unable to prevent the destruction of this historical heritage, but our consciousness was also deeply shaken by the criminal mindset at play.

The Gen Z movement in Nepal aimed to change the government system to improve the living conditions of the people. Gen Z strove to break the cycle of the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer, seeking social justice and equality to establish a free and fair egalitarian society. Lasting only 48 hours on September 8th and 9th, it became the shortest revolutionary movement in world history, making it the fastest and most significant Gen Z revolution in Nepal. Gen Z’s objectives included ensuring that taxes paid by the poor were used appropriately, preventing leaders’ children from traveling abroad for leisure, and stopping leaders from using tax funds for personal gains.

The level of corruption varies in poor, developed, and developing countries. In the case of Nepal, it is inaccurate to attribute the social media ban solely to the Gen Z movement. International media is distorting Nepal’s history to prevent a Gen Z or similar movement in their own country. The primary issue is corruption, with the social media ban being a secondary concern.

Many scholars are researching and writing dissertations on Gen Z. Sabal Gautam and Purushottam Yadav have submitted a request letter to the Chief District Office of Kathmandu to organize a corruption-free society program. They are asking for the program to be conducted in an orderly and dignified manner, with necessary arrangements made for peace and security during the anti-corruption program organized by the Independent Youth. They believe that the CDO office is crucial for carrying out their task in a peaceful environment. The program is scheduled for a one-day event on September 8, 2025.

The infiltration of criminals sparked outrage among Gen Z. On September 9, Gen Z took to the streets and by 10 a.m. had gained control all over Nepal. The agitated Gen Z have become increasingly aggressive, throwing stones at the police, vandalizing the homes of leaders, and even setting some on fire. This retaliation follows the deaths of their friends and injuries to 1,000 others the day before, which were likely a result of police brutality.

On September 9, 2025, the United Nations, the European Union, embassies in Nepal, and other international communities in Nepal expressed deep sorrow over the loss of lives and escalating violence in the country. The statement emphasized offering condolences to the affected families and urged peaceful protests. Authorities were urged to uphold human rights standards and investigate any excessive use of force. Dialogue was deemed crucial to address citizens’ concerns, especially those of young people. The UN expressed readiness to support trust-building measures for a peaceful resolution in Nepal.

During this critical time, it is crucial for political leaders, civil society, the younger generation, and the international community to prioritize non-violent solutions and mediation to prevent further humanitarian suffering. Encouraging dialogue and the formation of an interim arrangement is vital to bring stability to the country and protect its people, infrastructure, and public and private institutions and properties.

Nepal is currently facing a significant security and humanitarian crisis, and dialogue is necessary to prevent conflict. The Peace and Conflict Studies Center in Nepal calls on the international community to advocate for both indirect and direct diplomacy, as well as informal and formal constructive discussions or dialogues for reconstruction in Nepal involving all relevant parties. Dialogue begets more dialogue and can aid Nepal in transforming or overcoming this great crisis. Nepal can no longer endure further violence, loss of life, and suffering.

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Prof. Bishnu Pathak was a former Senior Commissioner at the Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP), Nepal who has been a Noble Peace prize nominee 2013-2019 for his noble finding of Peace-Conflict Lifecycle similar to the ecosystem. A Board Member of the TRANSCEND Peace University holds a Ph.D. in interdisciplinary Conflict Transformation and Human Rights in two decades. Arduous Dr. Pathak who is an author of over 100 international paper-book publications has been used as references in more than 100 countries across the globe. Immense versatile personality Dr. Pathak’s publications belong to Human Rights, Human Security, Peace, Conflict Transformation, and Transitional Justices among others. He can be reached at ciedpnp@gmail.com.

This article originally appeared on Transcend Media Service (TMS) on 22 Sep 2025.

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